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%% Copyright (c) 2002, 2010 Sam Williams
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%% Copyright (c) 2010 Richard M. Stallman
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%% Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this
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%% document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License,
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%% Version 1.3 or any later version published by the Free Software
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%% Foundation; with no Invariant Sections, no Front-Cover Texts, and
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%% no Back-Cover Texts. A copy of the license is included in the
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%% file called ``gfdl.tex''.
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\chapter{Appendix A -- Hack, Hackers, and Hacking} \label{Appendix A}
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To understand the full meaning of the word ``hacker,'' it helps to examine the word's etymology over the years.
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\textit{The New Hacker Dictionary}, an online compendium of software-programmer jargon, officially lists nine different connotations of the word ``hack'' and a similar number for ``hacker.'' Then again, the same publication also includes an accompanying essay that quotes Phil Agre, an MIT hacker who warns readers not to be fooled by the word's perceived flexibility. ``Hack has only one meaning,'' argues Agre. ``An extremely subtle and profound one which defies articulation.'' Richard Stallman tries to articulate it with the phrase, ``Playful cleverness.''
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Regardless of the width or narrowness of the definition, most modern hackers trace the word back to MIT, where the term bubbled up as popular item of student jargon in the early 1950s. In 1990 the MIT Museum put together a journal documenting the hacking phenomenon. According to the journal, students who attended the institute during the fifties used the word ``hack'' the way a modern student might use the word ``goof.'' Hanging a jalopy out a dormitory window was a ``hack,'' but anything harsh or malicious -- e.g., egging a rival dorm's windows or defacing a campus statue -- fell outside the bounds. Implicit within the definition of ``hack'' was a spirit of harmless, creative fun.
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This spirit would inspire the word's gerund form: ``hacking.'' A 1950s student who spent the better part of the afternoon talking on the phone or dismantling a radio might describe the activity as ``hacking.'' Again, a modern speaker would substitute the verb form of ``goof'' -- ``goofing'' or ``goofing off'' -- to describe the same activity.
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As the 1950s progressed, the word ``hack'' acquired a sharper, more rebellious edge. The MIT of the 1950s was overly competitive, and hacking emerged as both a reaction to and extension of that competitive culture. Goofs and pranks suddenly became a way to blow off steam, thumb one's nose at campus administration, and indulge creative thinking and behavior stifled by the Institute's rigorous undergraduate curriculum. With its myriad hallways and underground steam tunnels, the Institute offered plenty of exploration opportunities for the student undaunted by locked doors and ``No Trespassing'' signs. Students began to refer to their off-limits explorations as ``tunnel hacking.'' Above ground, the campus phone system offered similar opportunities. Through casual experimentation and due diligence, students learned how to perform humorous tricks. Drawing inspiration from the more traditional pursuit of tunnel hacking, students quickly dubbed this new activity ``phone hacking.''
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The combined emphasis on creative play and restriction-free exploration would serve as the basis for the future mutations of the hacking term. The first self-described computer hackers of the 1960s MIT campus originated from a late 1950s student group called the Tech Model Railroad Club. A tight clique within the club was the Signals and Power (S\&P) Committee -- the group behind the railroad club's electrical circuitry system. The system was a sophisticated assortment of relays and switches similar to the kind that controlled the local campus phone system. To control it, a member of the group simply dialed in commands via a connected phone and watched the trains do his bidding.
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The nascent electrical engineers responsible for building and maintaining this system saw their activity as similar in spirit to phone hacking. Adopting the hacking term, they began refining it even further. From the S\&P hacker point of view, using one less relay to operate a particular stretch of track meant having one more relay for future play. Hacking subtly shifted from a synonym for idle play to a synonym for idle play that improved the overall performance or efficiency of the club's railroad system at the same time. Soon S\&P committee members proudly referred to the entire activity of improving and reshaping the track's underlying circuitry as ``hacking'' and to the people who did it as ``hackers.''
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Given their affinity for sophisticated electronics -- not to mention the traditional MIT-student disregard for closed doors and ``No Trespassing'' signs -- it didn't take long before the hackers caught wind of a new machine on campus. Dubbed the TX-0, the machine was one of the first commercially marketed computers. By the end of the 1950s, the entire S\&P clique had migrated en masse over to the TX-0 control room, bringing the spirit of creative play with them. The wide-open realm of computer programming would encourage yet another mutation in etymology. ``To hack'' no longer meant soldering unusual looking circuits, but cobbling together software programs with little regard to ``official'' methods or software-writing procedures. It also meant improving the efficiency and speed of already-existing programs that tended to hog up machine resources. True to the word's roots, it also meant writing programs that served no other purpose than to amuse or entertain.
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A classic example of this expanded hacking definition is the game Spacewar, the first computer-based video game. Developed by MIT hackers in the early 1960s, Spacewar had all the traditional hacking definitions: it was goofy and random, serving little useful purpose other than providing a nightly distraction for the dozen or so hackers who delighted in playing it. From a software perspective, however, it was a monumental testament to innovation of programming skill. It was also completely free. Because hackers had built it for fun, they saw no reason to guard their creation, sharing it extensively with other programmers. By the end of the 1960s, Spacewar had become a diversion for programmers around the world, if they had the (then rather rare) graphical displays.
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This notion of collective innovation and communal software ownership distanced the act of computer hacking in the 1960s from the tunnel hacking and phone hacking of the 1950s. The latter pursuits tended to be solo or small-group activities. Tunnel and phone hackers relied heavily on campus lore, but the off-limits nature of their activity discouraged the open circulation of new discoveries. Computer hackers, on the other hand, did their work amid a scientific field biased toward collaboration and the rewarding of innovation. Hackers and ``official'' computer scientists weren't always the best of allies, but in the rapid evolution of the field, the two species of computer programmer evolved a cooperative -- some might say symbiotic -- relationship.
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Hackers had little respect for bureaucrats' rules. They regarded computer security systems that obstructed access to the machine as just another bug, to be worked around or fixed if possible. Thus, breaking security (but not for malicious purposes) was a recognized aspect of hacking in 1970, useful for practical jokes (the victim might say, ``I think someone's hacking me'') as well as for gaining access to the computer. But it was not central to the idea of hacking. Where there was a security obstacle, hackers were proud to display their wits in surmounting it; however, given the choice, as at the MIT AI Lab, they chose to have no obstacle and do other kinds of hacking. Where there is no security, nobody needs to break it.
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It is a testament to the original computer hackers' prodigious skill that later programmers, including Richard M. Stallman, aspired to wear the same hacker mantle. By the mid to late 1970s, the term ``hacker'' had acquired elite connotations. In a general sense, a computer hacker was any person who wrote software code for the sake of writing software code. In the particular sense, however, it was a testament to programming skill. Like the term ``artist,'' the meaning carried tribal overtones. To describe a fellow programmer as a hacker was a sign of respect. To describe oneself as a hacker was a sign of immense personal confidence. Either way, the original looseness of the computer-hacker appellation diminished as computers became more common.
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As the definition tightened, ``computer'' hacking acquired additional semantic overtones. The hackers at the MIT AI Lab shared many other characteristics, including love of Chinese food, disgust for tobacco smoke, and avoidance of alcohol, tobacco and other addictive drugs. These characteristics became part of some people's understanding of what it meant to be a hacker, and the community exerted an influence on newcomers even though it did not demand conformity. However, these cultural associations disappeared with the AI Lab hacker community. Today, most hackers resemble the surrounding society on these points.
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As the hackers at elite institutions such as MIT, Stanford, and Carnegie Mellon conversed about hacks they admired, they also considered the ethics of their activity, and began to speak openly of a ``hacker ethic'': the yet-unwritten rules that governed a hacker's day-to-day behavior. In the 1984 book \textit{Hackers}, author Steven Levy, after much research and consultation, codified the hacker ethic as five core hacker tenets.
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In the 1980s, computer use expanded greatly, and so did security breaking. Mostly it was done by insiders with criminal intent, who were generally not hackers at all. However, occasionally the police and administrators, who defined disobedience as evil, traced a computer ``intrusion'' back to a hacker whose idea of ethics was ``Don't hurt people.'' Journalists published articles in which ``hacking'' meant breaking security, and usually endorsed the administrators' view of the matter. Although books like \textit{Hackers} did much to document the original spirit of exploration that gave rise to the hacking culture, for most newspaper reporters and readers the term ``computer hacker'' became a synonym for ``electronic burglar.''
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By the late 1980s, many U.S. teenagers had access to computers. Some were alienated from society; inspired by journalists' distorted picture of ``hacking,'' they expressed their resentment by breaking computer security much as other alienated teens might have done it by breaking windows. They began to call themselves ``hackers,'' but they never learned the MIT hackers' principle against malicious behavior. As younger programmers began employing their computer skills to harmful ends -- creating and disseminating computer viruses, breaking into computer systems for mischief, deliberately causing computers to crash -- the term ``hacker'' acquired a punk, nihilistic edge which attracted more people with similar attitudes.
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Hackers have railed against this perceived misusage of their self-designator for nearly two decades. Stallman, not one to take things lying down, coined the term ``cracking'' for ``security breaking'' so that people could more easily avoid calling it ``hacking.'' But the distinction between hacking and cracking is often misunderstood. These two descriptive terms are not meant to be exclusive. It's not that ``Hacking is here, and cracking is there, and never the twain shall meet.'' Hacking and cracking are different attributes of activities, just as ``young'' and ``tall'' are different attributes of persons.
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Most hacking does not involve security, so it is not cracking. Most cracking is done for profit or malice and not in a playful spirit, so it is not hacking. Once in a while a single act may qualify as cracking and as hacking, but that is not the usual case. The hacker spirit includes irreverence for rules, but most hacks do not break rules. Cracking is by definition disobedience, but it is not necessarily malicious or harmful. The computer security field distinguishes between ``black hat'' and ``white hat'' crackers -- i.e., crackers who turn toward destructive, malicious ends versus those who probe security in order to fix it.
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The hacker's central principle not to be malicious remains the primary cultural link between the notion of hacking in the early 21st century and hacking in the 1950s. It is important to note that, as the idea of computer hacking has evolved over the last four decades, the original notion of hacking -- i.e., performing pranks or exploring underground tunnels -- remains intact. In the fall of 2000, the MIT Museum paid tribute to the Institute's age-old hacking tradition with a dedicated exhibit, the Hall of Hacks. The exhibit includes a number of photographs dating back to the 1920s, including one involving a mock police cruiser. In 1993, students paid homage to the original MIT notion of hacking by placing the same police cruiser, lights flashing, atop the Institute's main dome. The cruiser's vanity license plate read IHTFP, a popular MIT acronym with many meanings. The most noteworthy version, itself dating back to the pressure-filled world of MIT student life in the 1950s, is ``I hate this fucking place.'' In 1990, however, the Museum used the acronym as a basis for a journal on the history of hacks. Titled \textit{The Journal of the Institute for Hacks, Tomfoolery, and Pranks}, it offers an adept summary of the hacking.
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``In the culture of hacking, an elegant, simple creation is as highly valued as it is in pure science,'' writes \textit{Boston Globe} reporter Randolph Ryan in a 1993 article attached to the police car exhibit. ``A Hack differs from the ordinary college prank in that the event usually requires careful planning, engineering and finesse, and has an underlying wit and inventiveness,'' Ryan writes. ``The unwritten rule holds that a hack should be good-natured, non-destructive and safe. In fact, hackers sometimes assist in dismantling their own handiwork.''
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The urge to confine the culture of computer hacking within the same ethical boundaries is well-meaning but impossible. Although most software hacks aspire to the same spirit of elegance and simplicity, the software medium offers less chance for reversibility. Dismantling a police cruiser is easy compared with dismantling an idea, especially an idea whose time has come.
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Once a vague item of obscure student jargon, the word ``hacker'' has become a linguistic billiard ball, subject to political spin and ethical nuances. Perhaps this is why so many hackers and journalists enjoy using it. We cannot predict how people will use the word in the future. We can, however, decide how we will use it ourselves. Using the term ``cracking'' rather than ``hacking,'' when you mean ``security breaking,'' shows respect for Stallman and all the hackers mentioned in this book, and helps preserve something which all computer users have benefited from: the hacker spirit.
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39
back-cover.txt
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%% Copyright (c) 2002, 2010 Sam Williams
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%% Copyright (c) 2010 Richard M. Stallman
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%% Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this
|
||||
%% document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License,
|
||||
%% Version 1.3 or any later version published by the Free Software
|
||||
%% Foundation; with no Invariant Sections, no Front-Cover Texts, and
|
||||
%% no Back-Cover Texts. A copy of the license is included in the
|
||||
%% file called ``gfdl.tex''.
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In 2002, Sam Williams wrote Free as in Freedom, a biography of Richard
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M. Stallman. In its epilogue, Williams expressed hope that choosing to
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distribute his book under the GNU Free Documentation License would
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enable and encourage others to share corrections and their own
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perspectives through modifications to his work.
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Free as in Freedom (2.0) is Stallman's revision of the original
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biography. While preserving Williams's viewpoint, it includes factual
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corrections and extensive new commentary by Stallman, as well as new
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prefaces by both authors written for the occasion. It is a rare kind
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of biography, where the reader has the benefit of both the
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biographer's original words and the subject's response.
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About the Author:
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Richard M. Stallman is an internationally recognized computer
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programmer, political activist, and author. In 1983 he founded the
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free software movement by launching the GNU Project. He coined the
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term "copyleft" and is the main author of several copyleft licenses,
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including the most widely used free software license, the GNU General
|
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Public License. The GNU/Linux System (the GNU operating system with
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the kernel Linux added) is today used on tens of millions of
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computers.
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Stallman is the recipient of numerous awards, including the ACM Grace
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Hopper Award, a MacArthur Foundation fellowship, the Electronic
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Frontier Foundation's Pioneer Award, and the Takeda Award for Social
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and Economic Well-Being. A collection of Stallman's essays, Free
|
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Software, Free Society, is also available from GNU Press —
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www.gnupress.org.
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114
chap01.tex
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%% Copyright (c) 2002, 2010 Sam Williams
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%% Copyright (c) 2010 Richard M. Stallman
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%% Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this
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%% document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License,
|
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%% Version 1.3 or any later version published by the Free Software
|
||||
%% Foundation; with no Invariant Sections, no Front-Cover Texts, and
|
||||
%% no Back-Cover Texts. A copy of the license is included in the
|
||||
%% file called ``gfdl.tex''.
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\chapter{For Want of a Printer}
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\begin{quotation}
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\begin{flushright}
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I fear the Greeks. Even when they bring gifts.\\
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-- Virgil, \textit{The Aeneid}
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\end{flushright}
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\end{quotation}
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The new printer was jammed, again.
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Richard M. Stallman, a staff software programmer at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology's Artificial Intelligence Laboratory (AI Lab), discovered the malfunction the hard way. An hour after sending off a 50-page file to the office laser printer, Stallman, 27, broke off a productive work session to retrieve his documents. Upon arrival, he found only four pages in the printer's tray. To make matters even more frustrating, the four pages belonged to another user, meaning that Stallman's print job and the unfinished portion of somebody else's print job were still trapped somewhere within the electrical plumbing of the lab's computer network.
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Waiting for machines is an occupational hazard when you're a software programmer, so Stallman took his frustration with a grain of salt. Still, the difference between waiting for a machine and waiting on a machine is a sizable one. It wasn't the first time he'd been forced to stand over the printer, watching pages print out one by one. As a person who spent the bulk of his days and nights improving the efficiency of machines and the software programs that controlled them, Stallman felt a natural urge to open up the machine, look at the guts, and seek out the root of the problem.
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Unfortunately, Stallman's skills as a computer programmer did not extend to the mechanical-engineering realm. As freshly printed documents poured out of the machine, Stallman had a chance to reflect on other ways to circumvent the printing jam problem.
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How long ago had it been that the staff members at the AI Lab had welcomed the new printer with open arms? Stallman wondered. The machine had been a donation from the Xerox Corporation. A cutting edge prototype, it was a modified version of a fast Xerox photocopier. Only instead of making copies, it relied on software data piped in over a computer network to turn that data into professional-looking documents. Created by engineers at the world-famous Xerox Palo Alto Research Facility, it was, quite simply, an early taste of the desktop-printing revolution that would seize the rest of the computing industry by the end of the decade.
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Driven by an instinctual urge to play with the best new equipment, programmers at the AI Lab promptly integrated the new machine into the lab's sophisticated computing infrastructure. The results had been immediately pleasing. Unlike the lab's old printer, the new Xerox machine was fast. Pages came flying out at a rate of one per second, turning a 20-minute print job into a 2-minute print job. The new machine was also more precise. Circles came out looking like circles, not ovals. Straight lines came out looking like straight lines, not low-amplitude sine waves.
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It was, for all intents and purposes, a gift too good to refuse.
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Once the machine was in use, its flaws began to surface. Chief among the drawbacks was the machine's susceptibility to paper jams. Engineering-minded programmers quickly understood the reason behind the flaw. As a photocopier, the machine generally required the direct oversight of a human operator. Figuring that these human operators would always be on hand to fix a paper jam, if it occurred, Xerox engineers had devoted their time and energies to eliminating other pesky problems. In engineering terms, user diligence was built into the system.
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In modifying the machine for printer use, Xerox engineers had changed the user-machine relationship in a subtle but profound way. Instead of making the machine subservient to an individual human operator, they made it subservient to an entire networked population of human operators. Instead of standing directly over the machine, a human user on one end of the network sent his print command through an extended bucket brigade of machines, expecting the desired content to arrive at the targeted destination and in proper form. It wasn't until he finally went to check up on the final output that he realized how little of it had really been printed.
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Stallman was hardly the only AI Lab denizen to notice the problem, but he also thought of a remedy. Years before, for the lab's previous printer, Stallman had solved a similar problem by modifying the software program that regulated the printer, on a small PDP-11 machine, as well as the Incompatible Timesharing System that ran on the main PDP-10 computer. Stallman couldn't eliminate paper jams, but he could insert software code that made the PDP-11 check the printer periodically, and report jams back to the PDP-10. Stallman also inserted code on the PDP-10 to notify every user with a waiting print job that the printer was jammed. The notice was simple, something along the lines of ``The printer is jammed, please fix it,'' and because it went out to the people with the most pressing need to fix the problem, chances were that one of them would fix it forthwith.
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As fixes go, Stallman's was oblique but elegant. It didn't fix the mechanical side of the problem, but it did the next best thing by closing the information loop between user and machine. Thanks to a few additional lines of software code, AI Lab employees could eliminate the 10 or 15 minutes wasted each week in running back and forth to check on the printer. In programming terms, Stallman's fix took advantage of the amplified intelligence of the overall network.
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``If you got that message, you couldn't assume somebody else would fix it,'' says Stallman, recalling the logic. ``You had to go to the printer. A minute or two after the printer got in trouble, the two or three people who got messages arrive to fix the machine. Of those two or three people, one of them, at least, would usually know how to fix the problem.''
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Such clever fixes were a trademark of the AI Lab and its indigenous population of programmers. Indeed, the best programmers at the AI Lab disdained the term programmer, preferring the more slangy occupational title of hacker instead. The job title covered a host of activities -- everything from creative mirth making to the improvement of existing software and computer systems. Implicit within the title, however, was the old-fashioned notion of Yankee ingenuity. For a hacker, writing a software program that worked was only the beginning. A hacker would try to display his cleverness (and impress other hackers) by tackling an additional challenge: to make the program particularly fast, small, powerful, elegant, or somehow impressive in a clever way.\endnote{For more on the term ``hacker,'' see \nameref{Appendix A}.}
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Companies like Xerox made it a policy to donate their products (and software) to places where hackers typically congregated. If hackers used these products, they might go to work for the company later on. In the 60s and early 70s, they also sometimes developed programs that were useful for the manufacturer to distribute to other customers.
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When Stallman noticed the jamming tendency in the Xerox laser printer, he thought of applying the old fix or ``hack'' to this printer. In the course of looking up the Xerox laser-printer software, however, Stallman made a troubling discovery. The printer didn't have any software, at least nothing Stallman or a fellow programmer could read. Until then, most companies had made it a form of courtesy to publish source-code files--readable text files that documented the individual software commands that told a machine what to do. Xerox, in this instance, had provided software files only in compiled, or binary, form. If programmers looked at the files, all they would see was an endless stream of ones and zeroes -- gibberish.
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There are programs, called ``disassemblers,'' to convert the ones and zeroes into low-level machine instructions, but figuring out what those instructions actually ``do'' is a long and hard task, known as ``reverse engineering.'' To reverse engineer this program could have taken more time than five years' worth of jammed printouts. Stallman wasn't desperate enough for that, so he put the problem aside.
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Xerox's unfriendly policy contrasted blatantly with the usual practices of the hacker community. For instance, to develop the program for the PDP-11 that ran the old printer, and the program for another PDP-11 that handled display terminals, the AI Lab needed a cross-assembler program to build PDP-11 programs on the PDP-10 main computer. The lab's hackers could have written one, but Stallman, a Harvard student, found such a program at Harvard's computer lab. That program was written to run on the same kind of computer, the PDP-10, albeit with a different operating system. Stallman never knew who had written the program, since the source code did not say. But he brought a copy back to the AI Lab. He then altered the source code to make it run on the AI Lab's Incompatible Timesharing System (ITS). With no muss and little fuss, the AI Lab got the program it needed for its software infrastructure. Stallman even added a few features not found in the original version, making the program more powerful. ``We wound up using it for several years,'' Stallman says.
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From the perspective of a 1970s-era programmer, the transaction was the software equivalent of a neighbor stopping by to borrow a power tool or a cup of sugar from a neighbor. The only difference was that in borrowing a copy of the software for the AI Lab, Stallman had done nothing to deprive anyone else of the use of the program. If anything, other hackers gained in the process, because Stallman had introduced additional features that other hackers were welcome to borrow back. For instance, Stallman recalls a programmer at the private engineering firm, Bolt, Beranek \& Newman, borrowing the program. He made it run on Twenex and added a few additional features, which Stallman eventually reintegrated into the AI Lab's own source-code archive. The two programmers decided to maintain a common version together, which had the code to run either on ITS or on Twenex at the user's choice.
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``A program would develop the way a city develops,'' says Stallman, recalling the software infrastructure of the AI Lab. ``Parts would get replaced and rebuilt. New things would get added on. But you could always look at a certain part and say, `Hmm, by the style, I see this part was written back in the early 60s and this part was written in the mid-1970s.'\hspace{0.01in}''
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Through this simple system of intellectual accretion, hackers at the AI Lab and other places built up robust creations. Not every programmer participating in this culture described himself as a hacker, but most shared the sentiments of Richard M. Stallman. If a program or software fix was good enough to solve your problems, it was good enough to solve somebody else's problems. Why not share it out of a simple desire for good karma?
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|
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This system of cooperation was being undermined by commercial secrecy and greed, leading to peculiar combinations of secrecy and cooperation. For instance, computer scientists at UC Berkeley had built up a powerful operating system called BSD, based on the Unix system they had obtained from AT\&T. Berkeley made BSD available for the cost of copying a tape, but would only give these tapes to schools that could present a \$50,000 source license obtained from AT\&T. The Berkeley hackers continued to share as much as AT\&T let them, but they had not perceived a conflict between the two practices.
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Likewise, Stallman was annoyed that Xerox had not provided the source-code files, but not yet angry. He never thought of asking Xerox for a copy. ``They had already given us the laser printer,'' Stallman says. ``I could not say they owed us something more. Besides, I took for granted that the absence of source code reflected an intentional decision, and that asking them to change it would be futile.''
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|
||||
Good news eventually arrived: word had it that a scientist at the computer-science department at Carnegie Mellon University had a copy of the laser printer source code.
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The association with Carnegie Mellon did not augur well. In 1979, Brian Reid, a doctoral student there, had shocked the community by refusing to share his text-formatting program, dubbed Scribe. This text formatter was the first to have mark-up commands oriented towards the desired semantics (such as ``emphasize this word'' or ``this paragraph is a quotation'') rather than low-level formatting details (``put this word in italics'' or ``narrow the margins for this paragraph''). Instead Reid sold Scribe to a Pittsburgh-area software company called Unilogic. His graduate-student career ending, Reid says he simply was looking for a way to unload the program on a set of developers that would take pains to keep it from slipping into the public domain. (Why one would consider such an outcome particularly undesirable is not clear.) To sweeten the deal, Reid also agreed to insert a set of time-dependent functions -- ``time bombs'' in software-programmer parlance -- that deactivated freely copied versions of the program after a 90-day expiration date. To avoid deactivation, users paid the software company, which then issued a code that defused the internal time-bomb anti-feature.
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For Stallman, this was a betrayal of the programmer ethos, pure and simple. Instead of honoring the notion of share-and-share alike, Reid had inserted a way for companies to compel programmers to pay for information access. But he didn't think deeply about the question, since he didn't use Scribe much.
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|
||||
Unilogic gave the AI Lab a gratis copy to use, but did not remove or mention the time bomb. It worked, for a while; then one day a user reported that Scribe had stopped working. System hacker Howard Cannon spent hours debugging the binary until he found the time-bomb and patched it out. Cannon was incensed, and wasn't shy about telling the other hackers how mad he was that Unilogic had wasted his time with an intentional bug.
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman had a Lab-related reason, a few months later, to visit the Carnegie Mellon campus. During that visit, he made a point of looking for the person reported to have the printer software source code. By good fortune, the man was in his office.
|
||||
|
||||
In true engineer-to-engineer fashion, the conversation was cordial but blunt. After briefly introducing himself as a visitor from MIT, Stallman requested a copy of the laser-printer source code that he wanted to modify. To his chagrin, the researcher refused.
|
||||
|
||||
``He told me that he had promised not to give me a copy,'' Stallman says.
|
||||
|
||||
Memory is a funny thing. Twenty years after the fact, Stallman's mental history tape is blank in places. Not only does he not remember the motivating reason for the trip or even the time of year during which he took it, he also has no recollection of who was on the other end of the conversation. According to Reid, the person most likely to have fielded Stallman's request is Robert Sproull, a former Xerox PARC researcher and current director of Sun Laboratories, a research division of the computer-technology conglomerate Sun Microsystems. During the 1970s, Sproull had been the primary developer of the laser-printer software in question while at Xerox PARC. Around 1980, Sproull took a faculty research position at Carnegie Mellon where he continued his laser-printer work amid other projects.
|
||||
|
||||
When asked directly about the request, however, Sproull draws a blank. ``I can't make a factual comment,'' writes Sproull via email. ``I have absolutely no recollection of the incident.''
|
||||
|
||||
``The code that Stallman was asking for was leading-edge, state-of-the-art code that Sproull had written in the year or so before going to Carnegie Mellon,'' recalls Reid. If so, that might indicate a misunderstanding that occurred, since Stallman wanted the source for the program that MIT had used for quite some time, not some newer version. But the question of which version never arose in the brief conversation.
|
||||
|
||||
In talking to audiences, Stallman has made repeated reference to the incident, noting that the man's unwillingness to hand over the source code stemmed from a nondisclosure agreement, a contractual agreement between him and the Xerox Corporation giving the signatory access to the software source code in exchange for a promise of secrecy. Now a standard item of business in the software industry, the nondisclosure agreement, or NDA, was a novel development at the time, a reflection of both the commercial value of the laser printer to Xerox and the information needed to run it. ``Xerox was at the time trying to make a commercial product out of the laser printer,'' recalls Reid. ``They would have been insane to give away the source code.''
|
||||
|
||||
For Stallman, however, the NDA was something else entirely. It was a refusal on the part of some CMU researcher to participate in a society that, until then, had encouraged software programmers to regard programs as communal resources. Like a peasant whose centuries-old irrigation ditch had grown suddenly dry, Stallman had followed the ditch to its source only to find a brand-spanking-new hydroelectric dam bearing the Xerox logo.
|
||||
|
||||
For Stallman, the realization that Xerox had compelled a fellow programmer to participate in this newfangled system of compelled secrecy took a while to sink in. In the first moment, he could only see the refusal in a personal context. ``I was so angry I couldn't think of a way to express it. So I just turned away and walked out without another word,'' Stallman recalls. ``I might have slammed the door. Who knows? All I remember is wanting to get out of there. I went to his office expecting him to cooperate, so I had not thought about how I would respond if he refused. When he did, I was stunned speechless as well as disappointed and angry.''
|
||||
|
||||
Twenty years after the fact, the anger still lingers, and Stallman presents the event as one that made him confront an ethical issue, though not the only such event on his path. Within the next few months, a series of events would befall both Stallman and the AI Lab hacker community that would make 30 seconds worth of tension in a remote Carnegie Mellon office seem trivial by comparison. Nevertheless, when it comes time to sort out the events that would transform Stallman from a lone hacker, instinctively suspicious of centralized authority, to a crusading activist applying traditional notions of liberty, equality, and fraternity to the world of software development, Stallman singles out the Carnegie Mellon encounter for special attention.
|
||||
|
||||
``It was my first encounter with a nondisclosure agreement, and it immediately taught me that nondisclosure agreements have victims,'' says Stallman, firmly. ``In this case I was the victim. [My lab and I] were victims.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman later explained, ``If he had refused me his cooperation for personal reasons, it would not have raised any larger issue. I might have considered him a jerk, but no more. The fact that his refusal was impersonal, that he had promised in advance to be uncooperative, not just to me but to anyone whatsoever, made this a larger issue.''
|
||||
|
||||
Although previous events had raised Stallman's ire, he says it wasn't until his Carnegie Mellon encounter that he realized the events were beginning to intrude on a culture he had long considered sacrosanct. He said, ``I already had an idea that software should be shared, but I wasn't sure how to think about that. My thoughts weren't clear and organized to the point where I could express them in a concise fashion to the rest of the world. After this experience, I started to recognize what the issue was, and how big it was.''
|
||||
|
||||
As an elite programmer at one of the world's elite institutions, Stallman had been perfectly willing to ignore the compromises and bargains of his fellow programmers just so long as they didn't interfere with his own work. Until the arrival of the Xerox laser printer, Stallman had been content to look down on the machines and programs other computer users grimly tolerated.
|
||||
|
||||
Now that the laser printer had insinuated itself within the AI Lab's network, however, something had changed. The machine worked fine, barring the paper jams, but the ability to modify software according to personal taste or community need had been taken away. From the viewpoint of the software industry, the printer software represented a change in business tactics. Software had become such a valuable asset that companies no longer accepted the need to publicize source code, especially when publication meant giving potential competitors a chance to duplicate something cheaply. From Stallman's viewpoint, the printer was a Trojan Horse. After a decade of failure, software that users could not change and redistribute -- future hackers would use the term ``proprietary'' software -- had gained a foothold inside the AI Lab through the sneakiest of methods. It had come disguised as a gift.
|
||||
|
||||
That Xerox had offered some programmers access to additional gifts in exchange for secrecy was also galling, but Stallman takes pains to note that, if presented with such a quid pro quo bargain at a younger age, he just might have taken the Xerox Corporation up on its offer. The anger of the Carnegie Mellon encounter, however, had a firming effect on Stallman's own moral lassitude. Not only did it give him the necessary anger to view such future offers with suspicion, it also forced him to turn the situation around: what if a fellow hacker dropped into Stallman's office someday and it suddenly became Stallman's job to refuse the hacker's request for source code?
|
||||
|
||||
``When somebody invited me to betray all my colleagues in that way, I remembered how angry I was when somebody else had done that to me and my whole lab,'' Stallman says. ``So I said, `Thank you very much for offering me this nice software package, but I can't accept it on the conditions that you're asking for, so I'm going to do without it.'\hspace{0.01in}''
|
||||
|
||||
It was a lesson Stallman would carry with him through the tumultuous years of the 1980s, a decade during which many of his MIT colleagues would depart the AI Lab and sign nondisclosure agreements of their own. They may have told themselves that this was a necessary evil so they could work on the best projects. For Stallman, however, the NDA called the the moral legitimacy of the project into question. What good is a technically exciting project if it is meant to be withheld from the community?
|
||||
|
||||
As Stallman would quickly learn, refusing such offers involved more than personal sacrifice. It involved segregating himself from fellow hackers who, though sharing a similar distaste for secrecy, tended to express that distaste in a more morally flexible fashion. Refusing another's request for source code, Stallman decided, was not only a betrayal of the scientific mission that had nurtured software development since the end of World War II, it was a violation of the Golden Rule, the baseline moral dictate to do unto others as you would have them do unto you.
|
||||
|
||||
Hence the importance of the laser printer and the encounter that resulted from it. Without it, Stallman says, his life might have followed a more ordinary path, one balancing the material comforts of a commercial programmer with the ultimate frustration of a life spent writing invisible software code. There would have been no sense of clarity, no urgency to address a problem others weren't addressing. Most importantly, there would have been no righteous anger, an emotion that, as we soon shall see, has propelled Stallman's career as surely as any political ideology or ethical belief.
|
||||
|
||||
``From that day forward, I decided this was something I could never participate in,'' says Stallman, alluding to the practice of trading personal liberty for the sake of convenience -- Stallman's description of the NDA bargain -- as well as the overall culture that encouraged such ethically suspect deal-making in the first place. ``I decided never to make other people victims as I had been a victim.''
|
||||
|
||||
\theendnotes
|
||||
\setcounter{endnote}{0}
|
122
chap02.tex
Normal file
122
chap02.tex
Normal file
@ -0,0 +1,122 @@
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2002, 2010 Sam Williams
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2010 Richard M. Stallman
|
||||
%% Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this
|
||||
%% document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License,
|
||||
%% Version 1.3 or any later version published by the Free Software
|
||||
%% Foundation; with no Invariant Sections, no Front-Cover Texts, and
|
||||
%% no Back-Cover Texts. A copy of the license is included in the
|
||||
%% file called ``gfdl.tex''.
|
||||
|
||||
\chapter{2001: A Hacker's Odyssey}
|
||||
|
||||
The New York University computer-science department sits inside Warren Weaver Hall, a fortress-like building located two blocks east of Washington Square Park. Industrial-strength air-conditioning vents create a surrounding moat of hot air, discouraging loiterers and solicitors alike. Visitors who breach the moat encounter another formidable barrier, a security check-in counter immediately inside the building's single entryway.
|
||||
|
||||
Beyond the security checkpoint, the atmosphere relaxes somewhat. Still, numerous signs scattered throughout the first floor preach the dangers of unsecured doors and propped-open fire exits. Taken as a whole, the signs offer a reminder: even in the relatively tranquil confines of pre-September 11, 2001, New York, one can never be too careful or too suspicious.
|
||||
|
||||
The signs offer an interesting thematic counterpoint to the growing number of visitors gathering in the hall's interior atrium. A few look like NYU students. Most look like shaggy-haired concert-goers milling outside a music hall in anticipation of the main act. For one brief morning, the masses have taken over Warren Weaver Hall, leaving the nearby security attendant with nothing better to do but watch Ricki Lake on TV and shrug her shoulders toward the nearby auditorium whenever visitors ask about ``the speech.''
|
||||
|
||||
Once inside the auditorium, a visitor finds the person who has forced this temporary shutdown of building security procedures. The person is Richard M. Stallman, founder of the GNU Project, original president of the Free Software Foundation, winner of the 1990 MacArthur Fellowship, winner of the Association of Computing Machinery's Grace Murray Hopper Award (also in 1990), corecipient of the Takeda Foundation's 2001 Takeda Award for Social/Economic Betterment, and former AI Lab hacker. As announced over a host of hacker-related web sites, including the GNU Project's own \url{http://www.gnu.org} site, Stallman is in Manhattan, his former hometown, to deliver a much anticipated speech in rebuttal to the Microsoft Corporation's recent campaign against the GNU General Public License.
|
||||
|
||||
The subject of Stallman's speech is the history and future of the free software movement. The location is significant. Less than a month before, Microsoft senior vice president Craig Mundie appeared at the nearby NYU Stern School of Business, delivering a speech blasting the GNU General Public License, or GNU GPL, a legal device originally conceived by Stallman 16 years before. Built to counteract the growing wave of software secrecy overtaking the computer industry -- a wave first noticed by Stallman during his 1980 troubles with the Xerox laser printer -- the GPL has evolved into a central tool of the free software community. In simplest terms, the GPL establishes a form of communal ownership -- what today's legal scholars now call the ``digital commons'' -- through the legal weight of copyright. The GPL makes this irrevocable; once an author gives code to the community in this way, that code can't be made proprietary by anyone else. Derivative versions must carry the same copyright license, if they use a substantial amount of the original source code. For this reason, critics of the GPL have taken to calling it a ``viral'' license, suggesting inaccurately that it spreads itself to every software program it touches.\endnote{Actually, the GPL's powers are not quite that potent: just putting your code in the same computer with a GPL-covered program does not put your code under the GPL.
|
||||
|
||||
``To compare something to a virus is very harsh,'' says Stallman. ``A spider plant is a more accurate comparison; it goes to another place if you actively take a cutting.''
|
||||
|
||||
For more information on the GNU General Public License, visit \url{http://www.gnu.org/copyleft/gpl.html}.}
|
||||
|
||||
In an information economy increasingly dependent on software and increasingly beholden to software standards, the GPL has become the proverbial ``big stick.'' Even companies that once derided it as ``software socialism'' have come around to recognize the benefits. Linux, the kernel developed by Finnish college student Linus Torvalds in 1991, is licensed under the GPL, as are most parts of the GNU system: GNU Emacs, the GNU Debugger, the GNU C Compiler, etc. Together, these tools form the components of the free software GNU/Linux operating system, developed, nurtured, and owned by the worldwide hacker community. Instead of viewing this community as a threat, high-tech companies like IBM, Hewlett Packard, and Sun Microsystems have come to rely upon it, selling software applications and services built to ride atop the ever-growing free software infrastructure.\endnote{Although these applications run on GNU/Linux, it does not follow that they are themselves free software. On the contrary, most of them applications are proprietary software, and respect your freedom no more than Windows does. They may contribute to the success of GNU/Linux, but they don't contribute to the goal of freedom for which it exists.}
|
||||
|
||||
They've also come to rely upon it as a strategic weapon in the hacker community's perennial war against Microsoft, the Redmond, Washington-based company that has dominated the PC-software marketplace since the late 1980s. As owner of the popular Windows operating system, Microsoft stands to lose the most in an industry-wide shift to the GPL license. Each program in the Windows colossus is covered by copyrights and contracts (End User License Agreements, or EULAs) asserting the proprietary status of the executable, as well as the underlying source code that users can't get anyway. Incorporating code protected by the ``viral'' GPL into one of these programs is forbidden; to comply with the GPL's requirements, Microsoft would be legally required to make that whole program free software. Rival companies could then copy, modify, and sell improved versions of it, taking away the basis of Microsoft's lock over the users.
|
||||
|
||||
Hence the company's growing concern over the GPL's rate of adoption. Hence the recent Mundie speech blasting the GPL and the ``open source'' approach to software development and sales. (Microsoft does not even acknowledge the term ``free software,'' preferring to use its attacks to direct attention towards the apolitical ``open source'' camp described in \autoref{chapter:open source}, and away from the free software movement.) And hence Stallman's decision to deliver a public rebuttal to that speech on the same campus here today.
|
||||
|
||||
20 years is a long time in the software industry. Consider this: in 1980, when Richard Stallman was cursing the AI Lab's Xerox laser printer, Microsoft, which dominates the worldwide software industry, was still a privately held startup. IBM, the company then regarded as the most powerful force in the computer hardware industry, had yet to introduce its first personal computer, thereby igniting the current low-cost PC market. Many of the technologies we now take for granted -- the World Wide Web, satellite television, 32-bit video-game consoles -- didn't even exist. The same goes for many of the companies that now fill the upper echelons of the corporate establishment, companies like AOL, Sun Microsystems, Amazon.com, Compaq, and Dell. The list goes on and on.
|
||||
|
||||
Among those who value progress above freedom,
|
||||
the fact that the high-technology marketplace has come so far in such little time is cited both for and against the GNU GPL. Some argue in favor of the GPL, pointing to the short lifespan of most computer hardware platforms. Facing the risk of buying an obsolete product, consumers tend to flock to companies with the best long-term survival. As a result, the software marketplace has become a winner-take-all arena.\endnote{See Shubha Ghosh, ``Revealing the Microsoft Windows Source Code,'' \textit{Gigalaw.com} (January, 2000), \url{http://www.gigalaw.com/}.} The proprietary software environment, they say, leads to monopoly abuse and stagnation. Strong companies suck all the oxygen out of the marketplace for rival competitors and innovative startups.
|
||||
|
||||
Others argue just the opposite. Selling software is just as risky, if not more risky, than buying software, they say. Without the legal guarantees provided by proprietary software licenses, not to mention the economic prospects of a privately owned ``killer app'' (i.e., a breakthrough technology that launches an entirely new market),\endnote{Killer apps don't have to be proprietary. Still, I think the reader gets the point: the software marketplace is like the lottery. The bigger the potential payoff, the more people want to participate. For a good summary of the killer-app phenomenon, see Philip Ben-David, ``Whatever Happened to the `Killer App'?'', \textit{e-Commerce News} (December 7, 2000), \url{http://www.ecommercetimes.com/story/5893.html}.} companies lose the incentive to participate. Once again, the market stagnates and innovation declines. As Mundie himself noted in his May 3rd address on the same campus, the GPL's ``viral'' nature ``poses a threat'' to any company that relies on the uniqueness of its software as a competitive asset. Added Mundie:
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
It also fundamentally undermines the independent commercial software sector because it effectively makes it impossible to distribute software on a basis where recipients pay for the product rather than just the cost of distribution.\endnote{See Craig Mundie, ``The Commercial Software Model,'' senior vice president, Microsoft Corp., excerpted from an online transcript of Mundie's May 3, 2001, speech to the New York University Stern School of Business, \url{http://www.microsoft.com/presspass/exec/craig/05-03sharedsource.asp}.}
|
||||
\end{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
The mutual success of GNU/Linux and Windows over the last 10 years suggests that both sides on this question are sometimes right. However, free software activists such as Stallman think this is a side issue. The real question, they say, isn't whether free or proprietary software will succeed more, it's which one is more ethical.
|
||||
|
||||
Nevertheless, the battle for momentum is an important one in the software industry. Even powerful vendors such as Microsoft rely on the support of third-party software developers whose tools, programs, and computer games make an underlying software platform such as Windows more attractive to the mainstream consumer. Citing the rapid evolution of the technology marketplace over the last 20 years, not to mention his own company's impressive track record during that period, Mundie advised listeners to not get too carried away by the free software movement's recent momentum:
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
Two decades of experience have shown that an economic model that protects intellectual property and a business model that recoups research and development costs can create impressive economic benefits and distribute them very broadly.\endnote{\textit{Ibid.}}
|
||||
\end{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
Such admonitions serve as the backdrop for Stallman's speech today. Less than a month after their utterance, Stallman stands with his back to one of the chalk boards at the front of the room, edgy to begin.
|
||||
|
||||
If the last two decades have brought dramatic changes to the software marketplace, they have brought even more dramatic changes to Stallman himself. Gone is the skinny, clean-shaven hacker who once spent his entire days communing with his beloved PDP-10. In his place stands a heavy-set middle-aged man with long hair and rabbinical beard, a man who now spends the bulk of his time writing and answering email, haranguing fellow programmers, and giving speeches like the one today. Dressed in an aqua-colored T-shirt and brown polyester pants, Stallman looks like a desert hermit who just stepped out of a Salvation Army dressing room.
|
||||
|
||||
The crowd is filled with visitors who share Stallman's fashion and grooming tastes. Many come bearing laptop computers and cellular modems, all the better to record and transmit Stallman's words to a waiting Internet audience. The gender ratio is roughly 15 males to 1 female, and 1 of the 7 or 8 females in the room comes in bearing a stuffed penguin, the official Linux mascot, while another carries a stuffed teddy bear.
|
||||
|
||||
Agitated, Stallman leaves his post at the front of the room and takes a seat in a front-row chair, tapping commands into an already-opened laptop. For the next 10 minutes Stallman is oblivious to the growing number of students, professors, and fans circulating in front of him at the foot of the auditorium stage.
|
||||
|
||||
Before the speech can begin, the baroque rituals of academic formality must be observed. Stallman's appearance merits not one but two introductions. Mike Uretsky, codirector of the Stern School's Center for Advanced Technology, provides the first.
|
||||
|
||||
``The role of a university is to foster debate and to have interesting discussions,'' Uretsky says. ``This particular presentation, this seminar falls right into that mold. I find the discussion of open source particularly interesting.''
|
||||
|
||||
Before Uretsky can get another sentence out, Stallman is on his feet waving him down like a stranded motorist.
|
||||
|
||||
``I do free software,'' Stallman says to rising laughter. ``Open source is a different movement.''
|
||||
|
||||
The laughter gives way to applause. The room is stocked with Stallman partisans, people who know of his reputation for verbal exactitude, not to mention his much publicized 1998 falling out with the open source software proponents. Most have come to anticipate such outbursts the same way radio fans once waited for Jack Benny's trademark, ``Now cut that out!'' phrase during each radio program.
|
||||
|
||||
Uretsky hastily finishes his introduction and cedes the stage to Edmond Schonberg, a professor in the NYU computer-science department. As a computer programmer and GNU Project contributor, Schonberg knows which linguistic land mines to avoid. He deftly summarizes Stallman's career from the perspective of a modern-day programmer.
|
||||
|
||||
``Richard is the perfect example of somebody who, by acting locally, started thinking globally [about] problems concerning the unavailability of source code,'' says Schonberg. ``He has developed a coherent philosophy that has forced all of us to reexamine our ideas of how software is produced, of what intellectual property means, and of what the software community actually represents.''\endnote{If this were to be said today, Stallman would object to the term ``intellectual property'' as carrying bias and confusion. See \url{http://www.gnu.org/philosophy/not-ipr.html}.}
|
||||
|
||||
Schonberg welcomes Stallman to more applause. Stallman takes a moment to shut off his laptop, rises out of his chair, and takes the stage.
|
||||
|
||||
At first, Stallman's address seems more Catskills comedy routine than political speech. ``I'd like to thank Microsoft for providing me the opportunity to be on this platform,'' Stallman wisecracks. ``For the past few weeks, I have felt like an author whose book was fortuitously banned somewhere.''
|
||||
|
||||
For the uninitiated, Stallman dives into a quick free software warm-up analogy. He likens a software program to a cooking recipe. Both provide useful step-by-step instructions on how to complete a desired task and can be easily modified if a user has special desires or circumstances. ``You don't have to follow a recipe exactly,'' Stallman notes. ``You can leave out some ingredients. Add some mushrooms, 'cause you like mushrooms. Put in less salt because your doctor said you should cut down on salt -- whatever.''
|
||||
|
||||
Most importantly, Stallman says, software programs and recipes are both easy to share. In giving a recipe to a dinner guest, a cook loses little more than time and the cost of the paper the recipe was written on. Software programs require even less, usually a few mouse-clicks and a modicum of electricity. In both instances, however, the person giving the information gains two things: increased friendship and the ability to borrow interesting recipes in return.
|
||||
|
||||
``Imagine what it would be like if recipes were packaged inside black boxes,'' Stallman says, shifting gears. ``You couldn't see what ingredients they're using, let alone change them, and imagine if you made a copy for a friend. They would call you a pirate and try to put you in prison for years. That world would create tremendous outrage from all the people who are used to sharing recipes. But that is exactly what the world of proprietary software is like. A world in which common decency towards other people is prohibited or prevented.''
|
||||
|
||||
With this introductory analogy out of the way, Stallman launches into a retelling of the Xerox laser-printer episode. Like the recipe analogy, the laser-printer story is a useful rhetorical device. With its parable-like structure, it dramatizes just how quickly things can change in the software world. Drawing listeners back to an era before Amazon.com one-click shopping, Microsoft Windows, and Oracle databases, it asks the listener to examine the notion of software ownership free of its current corporate logos.
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman delivers the story with all the polish and practice of a local district attorney conducting a closing argument. When he gets to the part about the Carnegie Mellon professor refusing to lend him a copy of the printer source code, Stallman pauses.
|
||||
|
||||
``He had betrayed us,'' Stallman says. ``But he didn't just do it to us. Chances are he did it to you.''
|
||||
|
||||
On the word ``you,'' Stallman points his index finger accusingly at an unsuspecting member of the audience. The targeted audience member's eyebrows flinch slightly, but Stallman's own eyes have moved on. Slowly and deliberately, Stallman picks out a second listener to nervous titters from the crowd. ``And I think, mostly likely, he did it to you, too,'' he says, pointing at an audience member three rows behind the first.
|
||||
|
||||
By the time Stallman has a third audience member picked out, the titters have given away to general laughter. The gesture seems a bit staged, because it is. Still, when it comes time to wrap up the Xerox laser-printer story, Stallman does so with a showman's flourish. ``He probably did it to most of the people here in this room -- except a few, maybe, who weren't born yet in 1980,'' Stallman says, drawing more laughs. ``[That's] because he had promised to refuse to cooperate with just about the entire population of the planet Earth.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman lets the comment sink in for a half-beat. ``He had signed a nondisclosure agreement,'' Stallman adds.
|
||||
|
||||
Richard Matthew Stallman's rise from frustrated academic to political leader over the last 20 years speaks to many things. It speaks to Stallman's stubborn nature and prodigious will. It speaks to the clearly articulated vision and values of the free software movement Stallman helped build. It speaks to the high-quality software programs Stallman has built, programs that have cemented Stallman's reputation as a programming legend. It speaks to the growing momentum of the GPL, a legal innovation that many Stallman observers see as his most momentous accomplishment.
|
||||
|
||||
Most importantly, it speaks to the changing nature of political power in a world increasingly beholden to computer technology and the software programs that power that technology.
|
||||
|
||||
Maybe that's why, even at a time when most high-technology stars are on the wane, Stallman's star has grown. Since launching the GNU Project in 1984,\endnote{The acronym GNU stands for ``GNU's not Unix.'' In another portion of the May 29, 2001, NYU speech, Stallman summed up the acronym's origin:
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
We hackers always look for a funny or naughty name for a program, because naming a program is half the fun of writing the program. We also had a tradition of recursive acronyms, to say that the program that you're writing is similar to some existing program\ldots I looked for a recursive acronym for Something Is Not UNIX. And I tried all 26 letters and discovered that none of them was a word. I decided to make it a contraction. That way I could have a three-letter acronym, for Something's Not UNIX. And I tried letters, and I came across the word ``GNU.'' That was it.
|
||||
|
||||
Although a fan of puns, Stallman recommends that software users pronounce the ``g'' at the beginning of the acronym (i.e., ``gah-new''). Not only does this avoid confusion with the word ``gnu,'' the name of the African antelope, Connochaetes gnou, it also avoids confusion with the adjective ``new.'' ``We've been working on it for 17 years now, so it is not exactly new any more,'' Stallman says.
|
||||
\end{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
Source: author notes and online transcript of ``Free Software: Freedom and Cooperation,'' Richard Stallman's May 29, 2001, speech at New York University, \url{http://www.gnu.org/events/rms-nyu-2001-transcript.txt}.} Stallman has been at turns ignored, satirized, vilified, and attacked--both from within and without the free software movement. Through it all, the GNU Project has managed to meet its milestones, albeit with a few notorious delays, and stay relevant in a software marketplace several orders of magnitude more complex than the one it entered 18 years ago. So too has the free software ideology, an ideology meticulously groomed by Stallman himself.
|
||||
|
||||
To understand the reasons behind this currency, it helps to examine Richard Stallman both in his own words and in the words of the people who have collaborated and battled with him along the way. The Richard Stallman character sketch is not a complicated one. If any person exemplifies the old adage ``what you see is what you get,'' it's Stallman.
|
||||
|
||||
``I think if you want to understand Richard Stallman the human being, you really need to see all of the parts as a consistent whole,'' advises Eben Moglen, legal counsel to the Free Software Foundation and professor of law at Columbia University Law School. ``All those personal eccentricities that lots of people see as obstacles to getting to know Stallman really `are' Stallman: Richard's strong sense of personal frustration, his enormous sense of principled ethical commitment, his inability to compromise, especially on issues he considers fundamental. These are all the very reasons Richard did what he did when he did.''
|
||||
|
||||
Explaining how a journey that started with a laser printer would eventually lead to a sparring match with the world's richest corporation is no easy task. It requires a thoughtful examination of the forces that have made software ownership so important in today's society. It also requires a thoughtful examination of a man who, like many political leaders before him, understands the malleability of human memory. It requires an ability to interpret the myths and politically laden code words that have built up around Stallman over time. Finally, it requires an understanding of Stallman's genius as a programmer and his failures and successes in translating that genius to other pursuits.
|
||||
|
||||
When it comes to offering his own summary of the journey, Stallman acknowledges the fusion of personality and principle observed by Moglen. ``Stubbornness is my strong suit,'' he says. ``Most people who attempt to do anything of any great difficulty eventually get discouraged and give up. I never gave up.''
|
||||
|
||||
He also credits blind chance. Had it not been for that run-in over the Xerox laser printer, had it not been for the personal and political conflicts that closed out his career as an MIT employee, had it not been for a half dozen other timely factors, Stallman finds it very easy to picture his life following a different career path. That being said, Stallman gives thanks to the forces and circumstances that put him in the position to make a difference.
|
||||
|
||||
``I had just the right skills,'' says Stallman, summing up his decision for launching the GNU Project to the audience. ``Nobody was there but me, so I felt like, `I'm elected. I have to work on this. If not me, who?'\hspace{0.01in}''
|
||||
|
||||
\theendnotes
|
||||
\setcounter{endnote}{0}
|
140
chap03.tex
Normal file
140
chap03.tex
Normal file
@ -0,0 +1,140 @@
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2002, 2010 Sam Williams
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2010 Richard M. Stallman
|
||||
%% Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this
|
||||
%% document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License,
|
||||
%% Version 1.3 or any later version published by the Free Software
|
||||
%% Foundation; with no Invariant Sections, no Front-Cover Texts, and
|
||||
%% no Back-Cover Texts. A copy of the license is included in the
|
||||
%% file called ``gfdl.tex''.
|
||||
|
||||
\chapter{A Portrait of the Hacker as a Young Man}
|
||||
\chaptermark{A Portrait of the Hacker}
|
||||
|
||||
Richard Stallman's mother, Alice Lippman, still remembers the moment she realized her son had a special gift.
|
||||
|
||||
``I think it was when he was eight,'' Lippman recalls.
|
||||
|
||||
The year was 1961, and Lippman, a recently divorced single mother, was whiling away a weekend afternoon within the family's tiny one-bedroom apartment on Manhattan's Upper West Side. Leafing through a copy of Scientific American, Lippman came upon her favorite section, the Martin Gardner-authored column titled ``Mathematical Games.'' A substitute art teacher at the time, Lippman enjoyed Gardner's column for the brain-teasers it provided. With her son already ensconced in a book on the nearby sofa, Lippman decided to take a crack at solving the week's feature puzzle.
|
||||
|
||||
``I wasn't the best person when it came to solving the puzzles,'' she admits. ``But as an artist, I found they really helped me work through conceptual barriers.''
|
||||
|
||||
Lippman says her attempt to solve the puzzle met an immediate brick wall. About to throw the magazine down in disgust, Lippman was surprised by a gentle tug on her shirt sleeve.
|
||||
|
||||
``It was Richard,'' she recalls, ``He wanted to know if I needed any help.''
|
||||
|
||||
Looking back and forth, between the puzzle and her son, Lippman says she initially regarded the offer with skepticism. ``I asked Richard if he'd read the magazine,'' she says. ``He told me that, yes, he had and what's more he'd already solved the puzzle. The next thing I know, he starts explaining to me how to solve it.''
|
||||
|
||||
Hearing the logic of her son's approach, Lippman's skepticism quickly gave way to incredulity. ``I mean, I always knew he was a bright boy,'' she says, ``but this was the first time I'd seen anything that suggested how advanced he really was.''
|
||||
|
||||
Thirty years after the fact, Lippman punctuates the memory with a laugh. ``To tell you the truth, I don't think I ever figured out how to solve that puzzle,'' she says. ``All I remember is being amazed he knew the answer.''
|
||||
|
||||
Seated at the dining-room table of her second Manhattan apartment -- the same spacious three-bedroom complex she and her son moved to following her 1967 marriage to Maurice Lippman, now deceased -- Alice Lippman exudes a Jewish mother's mixture of pride and bemusement when recalling her son's early years. The nearby dining-room credenza offers an eight-by-ten photo of Stallman glowering in full beard and doctoral robes. The image dwarfs accompanying photos of Lippman's nieces and nephews, but before a visitor can make too much of it, Lippman makes sure to balance its prominent placement with an ironic wisecrack.
|
||||
|
||||
``Richard insisted I have it after he received his honorary doctorate at the University of Glasgow,'' says Lippman. ``He said to me, `Guess what, mom? It's the first graduation I ever attended.'\hspace{0.01in}''\endnote{One of the major background sources for this chapter was the interview ``Richard Stallman: High School Misfit, Symbol of Free Software, MacArthur-Certified Genius'' by Michael Gross, author of the 1999 book \textit{Talking About My Generation}, a collection of interviews with notable personalities from the so-called ``Baby Boom'' generation. Although Stallman did not make it into the book, Gross published the interview as an online supplement to the book's web site. The URL for the interview has changed several times since I first came across it. According to various readers who have gone searching for it, you can now find the interview at \url{http://www.mgross.com/MoreThgsChng/interviews/stallman1.html}.}
|
||||
|
||||
Such comments reflect the sense of humor that comes with raising a child prodigy. Make no mistake, for every story Lippman hears and reads about her son's stubbornness and unusual behavior, she can deliver at least a dozen in return.
|
||||
|
||||
``He used to be so conservative,'' she says, throwing up her hands in mock exasperation. ``We used to have the worst arguments right here at this table. I was part of the first group of public city school teachers that struck to form a union, and Richard was very angry with me. He saw unions as corrupt. He was also very opposed to social security. He thought people could make much more money investing it on their own. Who knew that within 10 years he would become so idealistic? All I remember is his stepsister coming to me and saying, `What is he going to be when he grows up? A fascist?'\hspace{0.01in}''\endnote{RMS: I don't remember telling her this. All I can say is I strongly disagree with those views now. When I was in my teens, I lacked compassion for the difficulties most people encounter in life; my problems were different. I did not appreciate how the wealthy will reduce most people to poverty unless we organize at all levels to stop them. I did not understand how hard it is for most people to resist social pressure to do foolish things, such as spend all their money instead of saving, since I hardly even noticed the pressure myself. In addition, unions in the 60s, when they were very powerful, were sometimes arrogant or corrupt. But they are much weaker today, and the result is that economic growth, when it occurs, benefits mainly the rich.}
|
||||
|
||||
As a single parent for nearly a decade -- she and Richard's father, Daniel Stallman, were married in 1948, divorced in 1958, and split custody of their son afterwards -- Lippman can attest to her son's aversion to authority. She can also attest to her son's lust for knowledge. It was during the times when the two forces intertwined, Lippman says, that she and her son experienced their biggest battles.
|
||||
|
||||
``It was like he never wanted to eat,'' says Lippman, recalling the behavior pattern that set in around age eight and didn't let up until her son's high-school graduation in 1970. ``I'd call him for dinner, and he'd never hear me. I'd have to call him 9 or 10 times just to get his attention. He was totally immersed.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman, for his part, remembers things in a similar fashion, albeit with a political twist.
|
||||
|
||||
``I enjoyed reading,'' he says. ``If I wanted to read, and my mother told me to go to the kitchen and eat or go to sleep, I wasn't going to listen. I saw no reason why I couldn't read. No reason why she should be able to tell me what to do, period. Essentially, what I had read about, ideas such as democracy and individual freedom, I applied to myself. I didn't see any reason to exclude children from these principles.''
|
||||
|
||||
The belief in individual freedom over arbitrary authority extended to school as well. Two years ahead of his classmates by age 11, Stallman endured all the usual frustrations of a gifted public-school student. It wasn't long after the puzzle incident that his mother attended the first in what would become a long string of parent-teacher conferences.
|
||||
|
||||
``He absolutely refused to write papers,'' says Lippman, recalling an early controversy. ``I think the last paper he wrote before his senior year in high school was an essay on the history of the number system in the west for a fourth-grade teacher.'' To be required to choose a specific topic when there was nothing he actually wanted to write about was almost impossible for Stallman, and painful enough to make him go to great lengths to avoid such situations.
|
||||
|
||||
Gifted in anything that required analytical thinking, Stallman gravitated toward math and science at the expense of his other studies. What some teachers saw as single-mindedness, however, Lippman saw as impatience. Math and science offered simply too much opportunity to learn, especially in comparison to subjects and pursuits for which her son seemed less naturally inclined. Around age 10 or 11, when the boys in Stallman's class began playing a regular game of touch football, she remembers her son coming home in a rage. ``He wanted to play so badly, but he just didn't have the coordination skills,'' Lippman recalls. ``It made him so angry.''
|
||||
|
||||
The anger eventually drove her son to focus on math and science all the more. Even in the realm of science, however, her son's impatience could be problematic. Poring through calculus textbooks by age seven, Stallman saw little need to dumb down his discourse for adults. Sometime, during his middle-school years, Lippman hired a student from nearby Columbia University to play big brother to her son. The student left the family's apartment after the first session and never came back. ``I think what Richard was talking about went over his head,'' Lippman speculates.
|
||||
|
||||
Another favorite maternal memory dates back to the early 1960s, shortly after the puzzle incident. Around age seven, two years after the divorce and relocation from Queens, Richard took up the hobby of launching model rockets in nearby Riverside Drive Park. What started as aimless fun soon took on an earnest edge as her son began recording the data from each launch. Like the interest in mathematical games, the pursuit drew little attention until one day, just before a major NASA launch, Lippman checked in on her son to see if he wanted to watch.
|
||||
|
||||
``He was fuming,'' Lippman says. ``All he could say to me was, `But I'm not published yet.' Apparently he had something that he really wanted to show NASA.'' Stallman doesn't remember the incident, but thinks it more likely that he was anguished because he didn't have anything to show.
|
||||
|
||||
Such anecdotes offer early evidence of the intensity that would become Stallman's chief trademark throughout life. When other kids came to the table, Stallman stayed in his room and read. When other kids played Johnny Unitas, Stallman played spaceman. ``I was weird,'' Stallman says, summing up his early years succinctly in a 1999 interview. ``After a certain age, the only friends I had were teachers.''\endnote{\textit{Ibid.}} Stallman was not ashamed of his weird characteristics, distinguishing them from the social ineptness that he did regard as a failing. However, both contributed together to his social exclusion.
|
||||
|
||||
Although it meant courting more run-ins at school, Lippman decided to indulge her son's passion. By age 12, Richard was attending science camps during the summer and private school during the school year. When a teacher recommended her son enroll in the Columbia Science Honors Program, a post-Sputnik program designed for gifted middle- and high-school students in New York City, Stallman added to his extracurriculars and was soon commuting uptown to the Columbia University campus on Saturdays.
|
||||
|
||||
Dan Chess, a fellow classmate in the Columbia Science Honors Program, recalls Richard Stallman seeming a bit weird even among the students who shared a similar lust for math and science. ``We were all geeks and nerds, but he was unusually poorly adjusted,'' recalls Chess, now a mathematics professor at Hunter College. ``He was also smart as shit. I've known a lot of smart people, but I think he was the smartest person I've ever known.''
|
||||
|
||||
Seth Breidbart, a fellow Columbia Science Honors Program alumnus, offers bolstering testimony. A computer programmer who has kept in touch with Stallman thanks to a shared passion for science fiction and science-fiction conventions, he recalls the 15-year-old, buzz-cut-wearing Stallman as ``scary,'' especially to a fellow 15-year-old.
|
||||
|
||||
``It's hard to describe,'' Breidbart says. ``It wasn't like he was unapproachable. He was just very intense. [He was] very knowledgeable but also very hardheaded in some ways.''
|
||||
|
||||
Such descriptions give rise to speculation: are judgment-laden adjectives like ``intense'' and ``hardheaded'' simply a way to describe traits that today might be categorized under juvenile behavioral disorder? A December, 2001, \textit{Wired} magazine article titled ``The Geek Syndrome'' paints the portrait of several scientifically gifted children diagnosed with high-functioning autism or Asperger Syndrome. In many ways, the parental recollections recorded in the \textit{Wired} article are eerily similar to the ones offered by Lippman. Stallman also speculates about this. In the interview for a 2000 profile for the \textit{Toronto Star}, Stallman said he wondered if he were ``borderline autistic.'' The article inaccurately cited the speculation as a certainty.\endnote{See Judy Steed, \textit{Toronto Star}, \textit{BUSINESS}, (October 9, 2000): C03.
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
His vision of free software and social cooperation stands in stark contrast to the isolated nature of his private life. A Glenn Gould-like eccentric, the Canadian pianist was similarly brilliant, articulate, and lonely. Stallman considers himself afflicted, to some degree, by autism: a condition that, he says, makes it difficult for him to interact with people.
|
||||
\end{quote}}
|
||||
|
||||
Such speculation benefits from the fast and loose nature of most so-called ``behavioral disorders'' nowadays, of course. As Steve Silberman, author of ``The Geek Syndrome,'' notes, American psychiatrists have only recently come to accept Asperger Syndrome as a valid umbrella term covering a wide set of behavioral traits. The traits range from poor motor skills and poor socialization to high intelligence and an almost obsessive affinity for numbers, computers, and ordered systems.\endnote{See Steve Silberman, ``The Geek Syndrome,'' \textit{Wired} (December, 2001), \url{http://www.wired.com/wired/archive/9.12/aspergers_pr.html}.}
|
||||
|
||||
``It's possible I could have had something like that,'' Stallman says. ``On the other hand, one of the aspects of that syndrome is difficulty following rhythms. I can dance. In fact, I love following the most complicated rhythms. It's not clear cut enough to know.'' Another possibility is that Stallman had a ``shadow syndrome'' which goes some way in the direction of Asperger's syndrome but without going beyond the limits of normality.\endnote{See John Ratey and Catherine Johnson, ``Shadow Syndromes.''}
|
||||
|
||||
Chess, for one, rejects such attempts at back-diagnosis. ``I never thought of him [as] having that sort of thing,'' he says. ``He was just very unsocialized, but then, we all were.''
|
||||
|
||||
Lippman, on the other hand, entertains the possibility. She recalls a few stories from her son's infancy, however, that provide fodder for speculation. A prominent symptom of autism is an oversensitivity to noises and colors, and Lippman recalls two anecdotes that stand out in this regard. ``When Richard was an infant, we'd take him to the beach,'' she says. ``He would start screaming two or three blocks before we reached the surf. It wasn't until the third time that we figured out what was going on: the sound of the surf was hurting his ears.'' She also recalls a similar screaming reaction in relation to color: ``My mother had bright red hair, and every time she'd stoop down to pick him up, he'd let out a wail.''
|
||||
|
||||
In recent years, Lippman says she has taken to reading books about autism and believes that such episodes were more than coincidental. ``I do feel that Richard had some of the qualities of an autistic child,'' she says. ``I regret that so little was known about autism back then.''
|
||||
|
||||
Over time, however, Lippman says her son learned to adjust. By age seven, she says, her son had become fond of standing at the front window of subway trains, mapping out and memorizing the labyrinthian system of railroad tracks underneath the city. It was a hobby that relied on an ability to accommodate the loud noises that accompanied each train ride. ``Only the initial noise seemed to bother him,'' says Lippman. ``It was as if he got shocked by the sound but his nerves learned how to make the adjustment.''
|
||||
|
||||
For the most part, Lippman recalls her son exhibiting the excitement, energy, and social skills of any normal boy. It wasn't until after a series of traumatic events battered the Stallman household, she says, that her son became introverted and emotionally distant.
|
||||
|
||||
The first traumatic event was the divorce of Alice and Daniel Stallman, Richard's father. Although Lippman says both she and her ex-husband tried to prepare their son for the blow, she says the blow was devastating nonetheless. ``He sort of didn't pay attention when we first told him what was happening,'' Lippman recalls. ``But the reality smacked him in the face when he and I moved into a new apartment. The first thing he said was, `Where's Dad's furniture?'\hspace{0.01in}''
|
||||
|
||||
For the next decade, Stallman would spend his weekdays at his mother's apartment in Manhattan and his weekends at his father's home in Queens. The shuttling back and forth gave him a chance to study a pair of contrasting parenting styles that, to this day, leaves Stallman firmly opposed to the idea of raising children himself. Speaking about his father, a World War II vet who died in early 2001, Stallman balances respect with anger. On one hand, there is the man whose moral commitment led him to learn French just so he could be more helpful to Allies when they'd finally fight the Nazis in France. On the other hand, there was the parent who always knew how to craft a put-down for cruel effect.\endnote{Regrettably, I did not get a chance to interview Daniel Stallman for this book. During the early research for this book, Stallman informed me that his father suffered from Alzheimer's. When I resumed research in late 2001, I learned, sadly, that Daniel Stallman had died earlier in the year.}
|
||||
|
||||
``My father had a horrible temper,'' Stallman says. ``He never screamed, but he always found a way to criticize you in a cold, designed-to-crush way.''
|
||||
|
||||
As for life in his mother's apartment, Stallman is less equivocal. ``That was war,'' he says. ``I used to say in my misery, `I want to go home,' meaning to the nonexistent place that I'll never have.''
|
||||
|
||||
For the first few years after the divorce, Stallman found the tranquility that eluded him in the home of his paternal grandparents. One died when he was 8, and the other when he was 10. For Stallman, the loss was devastating. ``I used to go and visit and feel I was in a loving, gentle environment,'' Stallman recalls. ``It was the only place I ever found one, until I went away to college.''
|
||||
|
||||
Lippman lists the death of Richard's paternal grandparents as the second traumatic event. ``It really upset him,'' she says. He was very close to both his grandparents. Before they died, he was very outgoing, almost a leader-of-the-pack type with the other kids. After they died, he became much more emotionally withdrawn.
|
||||
|
||||
From Stallman's perspective, the emotional withdrawal was merely an attempt to deal with the agony of adolescence. Labeling his teenage years a ``pure horror,'' Stallman says he often felt like a deaf person amid a crowd of chattering music listeners.
|
||||
|
||||
``I often had the feeling that I couldn't understand what other people were saying,'' says Stallman, recalling his sense of exclusion. ``I could understand the words, but something was going on underneath the conversations that I didn't understand. I couldn't understand why people were interested in the things other people said.''
|
||||
|
||||
For all the agony it produced, adolescence would have an encouraging effect on Stallman's sense of individuality. At a time when most of his classmates were growing their hair out, Stallman preferred to keep his short. At a time when the whole teenage world was listening to rock and roll, Stallman preferred classical music. A devoted fan of science fiction, \textit{Mad} magazine, and late-night TV, Stallman came to have a distinctly off-the-wall personality that met with the incomprehension of parents and peers alike.
|
||||
|
||||
``Oh, the puns,'' says Lippman, still exasperated by the memory of her son's teenage personality. ``There wasn't a thing you could say at the dinner table that he couldn't throw back at you as a pun.''
|
||||
|
||||
Outside the home, Stallman saved the jokes for the adults who tended to indulge his gifted nature. One of the first was a summer-camp counselor who lent Stallman a manual for the IBM 7094 computer during his 8th or 9th year. To a preteenager fascinated with numbers and science, the gift was a godsend.\endnote{Stallman, an atheist, would probably quibble with this description. Suffice it to say, it was something Stallman welcomed. See Gross (1999): ``As soon as I heard about computers, I wanted to see one and play with one.''} Soon, Stallman was writing out programs on paper in the instructions of the 7094. There was no computer around to run them on, and he had no real applications to use one for, but he yearned to write a program -- any program whatsoever. He asked the counselor for arbitrary suggestions of something to code.
|
||||
|
||||
With the first personal computer still a decade away, Stallman would be forced to wait a few years before getting access to his first computer. His chance finally came during his senior year of high school. The IBM New York Scientific Center, a now-defunct research facility in downtown Manhattan, offered Stallman the chance to try to write his first real program. His fancy was to write a pre-processor for the programming language PL/I, designed to add the tensor algebra summation convention as a feature to the language. ``I first wrote it in PL/I, then started over in assembler language when the compiled PL/I program was too big to fit in the computer,'' he recalls.
|
||||
|
||||
For the summer after high-school graduation, the New York Scientific Center hired him. Tasked with writing a numerical analysis program in Fortran, he finished that in a few weeks, acquiring such a distaste for the Fortran language that he vowed never to write anything in it again. Then he spent the rest of the summer writing a text-editor in APL.
|
||||
|
||||
Simultaneously, Stallman had held a laboratory-assistant position in the biology department at Rockefeller University. Although he was already moving toward a career in math or physics, Stallman's analytical mind impressed the lab director enough that a few years after Stallman departed for college, Lippman received an unexpected phone call. ``It was the professor at Rockefeller,'' Lippman says. ``He wanted to know how Richard was doing. He was surprised to learn that he was working in computers. He'd always thought Richard had a great future ahead of him as a biologist.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman's analytical skills impressed faculty members at Columbia as well, even when Stallman himself became a target of their ire. ``Typically once or twice an hour [Stallman] would catch some mistake in the lecture,'' says Breidbart. ``And he was not shy about letting the professors know it immediately. It got him a lot of respect but not much popularity.''
|
||||
|
||||
Hearing Breidbart's anecdote retold elicits a wry smile from Stallman. ``I may have been a bit of a jerk sometimes,'' he admits. ``But I found kindred spirits among teachers, because they, too, liked to learn. Kids, for the most part, didn't. At least not in the same way.''
|
||||
|
||||
Hanging out with the advanced kids on Saturday nevertheless encouraged Stallman to think more about the merits of increased socialization. With college fast approaching, Stallman, like many in his Columbia Science Honors Program, had narrowed his list of desired schools down to two choices: Harvard and MIT. Hearing of her son's desire to move on to the Ivy League, Lippman became concerned. As a 15-year-old high-school junior, Stallman was still having run-ins with teachers and administrators. Only the year before, he had pulled straight A's in American History, Chemistry, French, and Algebra, but a glaring F in English reflected the ongoing boycott of writing assignments. Such miscues might draw a knowing chuckle at MIT, but at Harvard, they were a red flag.
|
||||
|
||||
During her son's junior year, Lippman says she scheduled an appointment with a therapist. The therapist expressed instant concern over Stallman's unwillingness to write papers and his run-ins with teachers. Her son certainly had the intellectual wherewithal to succeed at Harvard, but did he have the patience to sit through college classes that required a term paper? The therapist suggested a trial run. If Stallman could make it through a full year in New York City public schools, including an English class that required term papers, he could probably make it at Harvard. Following the completion of his junior year, Stallman promptly enrolled in public summer school downtown and began making up the mandatory humanities classes he had shunned earlier in his high-school career.
|
||||
|
||||
By fall, Stallman was back within the mainstream population of New York City high-school students, at Louis D. Brandeis High School on on West 84th Street. It wasn't easy sitting through classes that seemed remedial in comparison with his Saturday studies at Columbia, but Lippman recalls proudly her son's ability to toe the line.
|
||||
|
||||
``He was forced to kowtow to a certain degree, but he did it,'' Lippman says. ``I only got called in once, which was a bit of a miracle. It was the calculus teacher complaining that Richard was interrupting his lesson. I asked how he was interrupting. He said Richard was always accusing the teacher of using a false proof. I said, `Well, is he right?' The teacher said, `Yeah, but I can't tell that to the class. They wouldn't understand.'\hspace{0.01in}''
|
||||
|
||||
By the end of his first semester at Brandeis High, things were falling into place. A 96 in English wiped away much of the stigma of the 60 earned 2 years before. For good measure, Stallman backed it up with top marks in American History, Advanced Placement Calculus, and Microbiology. The crowning touch was a perfect 100 in Physics. Though still a social outcast, Stallman finished his 10 months at Brandeis as the fourth-ranked student in a class of 789.
|
||||
|
||||
Outside the classroom, Stallman pursued his studies with even more diligence, rushing off to fulfill his laboratory-assistant duties at Rockefeller University during the week and dodging the Vietnam protesters on his way to Saturday school at Columbia. It was there, while the rest of the Science Honors Program students sat around discussing their college choices, that Stallman finally took a moment to participate in the preclass bull session.
|
||||
|
||||
Recalls Breidbart, ``Most of the students were going to Harvard and MIT, of course, but you had a few going to other Ivy League schools. As the conversation circled the room, it became apparent that Richard hadn't said anything yet. I don't know who it was, but somebody got up the courage to ask him what he planned to do.''
|
||||
|
||||
Thirty years later, Breidbart remembers the moment clearly. As soon as Stallman broke the news that he, too, would be attending Harvard University in the fall, an awkward silence filled the room. Almost as if on cue, the corners of Stallman's mouth slowly turned upward into a self-satisfied smile.
|
||||
|
||||
Says Breidbart, ``It was his silent way of saying, `That's right. You haven't got rid of me yet.'\hspace{0.01in}''
|
||||
|
||||
\theendnotes
|
||||
\setcounter{endnote}{0}
|
202
chap04.tex
Normal file
202
chap04.tex
Normal file
@ -0,0 +1,202 @@
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2002, 2010 Sam Williams
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2010 Richard M. Stallman
|
||||
%% Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this
|
||||
%% document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License,
|
||||
%% Version 1.3 or any later version published by the Free Software
|
||||
%% Foundation; with no Invariant Sections, no Front-Cover Texts, and
|
||||
%% no Back-Cover Texts. A copy of the license is included in the
|
||||
%% file called ``gfdl.tex''.
|
||||
|
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\chapter{Impeach God}
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|
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Although their relationship was fraught with tension, Richard Stallman would inherit one noteworthy trait from his mother: a passion for progressive politics.
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||||
It was an inherited trait that would take several decades to emerge, however. For the first few years of his life, Stallman lived in what he now admits was a ``political vacuum.''\endnote{See Michael Gross, ``Richard Stallman: High School Misfit, Symbol of Free Software, MacArthur-certified Genius'' (1999).} Like most Americans during the Eisenhower age, the Stallman family spent the Fifties trying to recapture the normalcy lost during the wartime years of the 1940s.
|
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|
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``Richard's father and I were Democrats but happy enough to leave it at that,'' says Lippman, recalling the family's years in Queens. ``We didn't get involved much in local or national politics.''
|
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|
||||
That all began to change, however, in the late 1950s when Alice divorced Daniel Stallman. The move back to Manhattan represented more than a change of address; it represented a new, independent identity and a jarring loss of tranquility.
|
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|
||||
``I think my first taste of political activism came when I went to the Queens public library and discovered there was only a single book on divorce in the whole library,'' recalls Lippman. ``It was very controlled by the Catholic church, at least in Elmhurst, where we lived. I think that was the first inkling I had of the forces that quietly control our lives.''
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|
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Returning to her childhood neighborhood, Manhattan's Upper West Side, Lippman was shocked by the changes that had taken place since her departure to Hunter College a decade and a half before. The skyrocketing demand for post-war housing had turned the neighborhood into a political battleground. On one side stood the pro-development city-hall politicians and businessmen hoping to rebuild many of the neighborhood's blocks to accommodate the growing number of white-collar workers moving into the city. On the other side stood the poor Irish and Puerto Rican tenants who had found an affordable haven in the neighborhood.
|
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|
||||
At first, Lippman didn't know which side to choose. As a new resident, she felt the need for new housing. As a single mother with minimal income, however, she shared the poorer tenants' concern over the growing number of development projects catering mainly to wealthy residents. Indignant, Lippman began looking for ways to combat the political machine that was attempting to turn her neighborhood into a clone of the Upper East Side.
|
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Lippman says her first visit to the local Democratic party headquarters came in 1958. Looking for a day-care center to take care of her son while she worked, she had been appalled by the conditions encountered at one of the city-owned centers that catered to low-income residents. ``All I remember is the stench of rotten milk, the dark hallways, the paucity of supplies. I had been a teacher in private nursery schools. The contrast was so great. We took one look at that room and left. That stirred me up.''
|
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|
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The visit to the party headquarters proved disappointing, however. Describing it as ``the proverbial smoke-filled room,'' Lippman says she became aware for the first time that corruption within the party might actually be the reason behind the city's thinly disguised hostility toward poor residents. Instead of going back to the headquarters, Lippman decided to join up with one of the many clubs aimed at reforming the Democratic party and ousting the last vestiges of the Tammany Hall machine. Dubbed the Woodrow Wilson/FDR Reform Democratic Club, Lippman and her club began showing up at planning and city-council meetings, demanding a greater say.
|
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``Our primary goal was to fight Tammany Hall, Carmine DeSapio and his henchman,''\endnote{Carmine DeSapio holds the dubious distinction of being the first Italian-American boss of Tammany Hall, the New York City political machine. For more information on DeSapio and the politics of post-war New York, see John Davenport, ``Skinning the Tiger: Carmine DeSapio and the End of the Tammany Era,'' \textit{New York Affairs} (1975): 3:1.} says Lippman. ``I was the representative to the city council and was very much involved in creating a viable urban-renewal plan that went beyond simply adding more luxury housing to the neighborhood.''
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|
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Such involvement would blossom into greater political activity during the 1960s. By 1965, Lippman had become an ``outspoken'' supporter for political candidates like William Fitts Ryan, a Democrat elected to Congress with the help of reform clubs and one of the first U.S. representatives to speak out against the Vietnam War.
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|
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It wasn't long before Lippman, too, was an outspoken opponent of U.S. involvement in Indochina. ``I was against the Vietnam War from the time Kennedy sent troops,'' she says. ``I had read the stories by reporters and journalists sent to cover the early stages of the conflict. I really believed their forecast that it would become a quagmire.''
|
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|
||||
Such opposition permeated the Stallman-Lippman household. In 1967, Lippman remarried. Her new husband, Maurice Lippman, a major in the Air National Guard, resigned his commission to demonstrate his opposition to the war. Lippman's stepson, Andrew Lippman, was at MIT and temporarily eligible for a student deferment. Still, the threat of induction should that deferment disappear, as it eventually did, made the risk of U.S. escalation all the more immediate. Finally, there was Richard who, though younger, faced the prospect of being drafted as the war lasted into the 1970s.
|
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|
||||
``Vietnam was a major issue in our household,'' says Lippman. ``We talked about it constantly: what would we do if the war continued, what steps Richard or his stepbrother would take if they got drafted. We were all opposed to the war and the draft. We really thought it was immoral.''
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|
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For Stallman, the Vietnam War elicited a complex mixture of emotions: confusion, horror, and, ultimately, a profound sense of political impotence. As a kid who could barely cope in the mild authoritarian universe of private school, Stallman experienced a shiver whenever the thought of Army boot camp presented itself. He did not think he could get through it and emerge sane.
|
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|
||||
``I was devastated by the fear, but I couldn't imagine what to do and didn't have the guts to go demonstrate,'' recalls Stallman, whose March 16th birthday earned him a low number in the dreaded draft lottery. This did not affect him immediately, since he had a college deferment, one of the last before the U.S. stopped granting them; but it would affect him in a few years. ``I couldn't envision moving to Canada or Sweden. The idea of getting up by myself and moving somewhere. How could I do that? I didn't know how to live by myself. I wasn't the kind of person who felt confident in approaching things like that.''
|
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|
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Stallman says he was impressed by the family members who did speak out. Recalling a sticker, printed and distributed by his father, likening the My Lai massacre to similar Nazi atrocities in World War II, he says he was ``excited'' by his father's gesture of outrage. ``I admired him for doing it,'' Stallman says. ``But I didn't imagine that I could do anything. I was afraid that the juggernaut of the draft was going to destroy me.''
|
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|
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However, Stallman says he was turned off by the tone and direction of much of that movement. Like other members of the Science Honors Program, he saw the weekend demonstrations at Columbia as little more than a distracting spectacle.\endnote{Chess, another Columbia Science Honors Program alum, describes the protests as ``background noise.'' ``We were all political,'' he says, ``but the SHP was important. We would never have skipped it for a demonstration.''} Ultimately, Stallman says, the irrational forces driving the anti-war movement became indistinguishable from the irrational forces driving the rest of youth culture. Instead of worshiping the Beatles, girls in Stallman's age group were suddenly worshiping firebrands like Abbie Hoffman and Jerry Rubin. To a kid already struggling to comprehend his teenage peers, slogans like ``make love not war'' had a taunting quality. Stallman did not want to make war, at least not in Southeast Asia, but nobody was inviting him to make love either.
|
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|
||||
``I didn't like the counter culture much,'' Stallman recalls. ``I didn't like the music. I didn't like the drugs. I was scared of the drugs. I especially didn't like the anti-intellectualism, and I didn't like the prejudice against technology. After all, I loved a computer. And I didn't like the mindless anti-Americanism that I often encountered. There were people whose thinking was so simplistic that if they disapproved of the conduct of the U.S. in the Vietnam War, they had to support the North Vietnamese. They couldn't imagine a more complicated position, I guess.''
|
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|
||||
Such comments underline a trait that would become the key to Stallman's own political maturation. For Stallman, political confidence was directly proportionate to personal confidence. By 1970, Stallman had become confident in few things outside the realm of math and science. Nevertheless, confidence in math gave him enough of a foundation to examine the extremes of the anti-war movement in purely logical terms. Doing so, Stallman found the logic wanting. Although opposed to the war in Vietnam, Stallman saw no reason to disavow war as a means for defending liberty or correcting injustice.
|
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|
||||
In the 1980s, a more confident Stallman decided to make up for his past inactivity by participating in mass rallies for abortion rights in Washington DC. ``I became dissatisfied with my earlier self for failing in my duty to protest the Vietnam War,'' he explains.
|
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|
||||
In 1970, Stallman left behind the nightly dinnertime conversations about politics and the Vietnam War as he departed for Harvard. Looking back, Stallman describes the transition from his mother's Manhattan apartment to life in a Cambridge dorm as an ``escape.'' At Harvard, he could go to his room and have peace whenever he wanted it. Peers who watched Stallman make the transition, however, saw little to suggest a liberating experience.
|
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|
||||
``He seemed pretty miserable for the first while at Harvard,'' recalls Dan Chess, a classmate in the Science Honors Program who also matriculated at Harvard. ``You could tell that human interaction was really difficult for him, and there was no way of avoiding it at Harvard. Harvard was an intensely social kind of place.''
|
||||
|
||||
To ease the transition, Stallman fell back on his strengths: math and science. Like most members of the Science Honors Program, Stallman breezed through the qualifying exam for Math 55, the legendary ``boot camp'' class for freshman mathematics ``concentrators'' at Harvard. Within the class, members of the Science Honors Program formed a durable unit. ``We were the math mafia,'' says Chess with a laugh. ``Harvard was nothing, at least compared with the SHP.''
|
||||
|
||||
To earn the right to boast, however, Stallman, Chess, and the other SHP alumni had to get through Math 55. Promising four years worth of math in two semesters, the course favored only the truly devout. ``It was an amazing class,'' says David Harbater, a former ``math mafia'' member and now a professor of mathematics at the University of Pennsylvania. ``It's probably safe to say there has never been a class for beginning college students that was that intense and that advanced. The phrase I say to people just to get it across is that, among other things, by the second semester we were discussing the differential geometry of Banach manifolds. That's usually when their eyes bug out, because most people don't start talking about Banach manifolds until their second year of graduate school.''
|
||||
|
||||
Starting with 75 students, the class quickly melted down to 20 by the end of the second semester. Of that 20, says Harbater, ``only 10 really knew what they were doing.'' Of that 10, 8 would go on to become future mathematics professors, 1 would go on to teach physics.
|
||||
|
||||
``The other one,'' emphasizes Harbater, ``was Richard Stallman.''
|
||||
|
||||
Seth Breidbart, a fellow Math 55 classmate, remembers Stallman distinguishing himself from his peers even then.
|
||||
|
||||
``He was a stickler in some very strange ways,'' says Breidbart. There is a standard technique in math which everybody does wrong. It's an abuse of notation where you have to define a function for something and what you do is you define a function and then you prove that it's well defined. Except the first time he did and presented it, he defined a relation and proved that it's a function. It's the exact same proof, but he used the correct terminology, which no one else did. That's just the way he was.''
|
||||
|
||||
It was in Math 55 that Richard Stallman began to cultivate a reputation for brilliance. Breidbart agrees, but Chess, whose competitive streak refused to yield, says the realization that Stallman might be the best mathematician in the class didn't set in until the next year. ``It was during a class on Real Analysis,'' says Chess, now a math professor at Hunter College. ``I actually remember in a proof about complex valued measures that Richard came up with an idea that was basically a metaphor from the calculus of variations. It was the first time I ever saw somebody solve a problem in a brilliantly original way.''
|
||||
|
||||
For Chess, it was a troubling moment. Like a bird flying into a clear glass window, it would take a while to realize that some levels of insight were simply off limits.
|
||||
|
||||
``That's the thing about mathematics,'' says Chess. ``You don't have to be a first-rank mathematician to recognize first-rate mathematical talent. I could tell I was up there, but I could also tell I wasn't at the first rank. If Richard had chosen to be a mathematician, he would have been a first-rank mathematician.''\endnote{Stallman doubts this, however. ``One of the reasons I moved from math and physics to programming is that I never learned how to discover anything new in the former two. I only learned to study what others had done. In programming, I could do something useful every day.''}
|
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|
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For Stallman, success in the classroom was balanced by the same lack of success in the social arena. Even as other members of the math mafia gathered to take on the Math 55 problem sets, Stallman preferred to work alone. The same went for living arrangements. On the housing application for Harvard, Stallman clearly spelled out his preferences. ``I said I preferred an invisible, inaudible, intangible roommate,'' he says. In a rare stroke of bureaucratic foresight, Harvard's housing office accepted the request, giving Stallman a one-room single for his freshman year.
|
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|
||||
Breidbart, the only math-mafia member to share a dorm with Stallman that freshman year, says Stallman slowly but surely learned how to interact with other students. He recalls how other dorm mates, impressed by Stallman's logical acumen, began welcoming his input whenever an intellectual debate broke out in the dining club or dorm commons.
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|
||||
``We had the usual bull sessions about solving the world's problems or what would be the result of something,'' recalls Breidbart. ``Say somebody discovers an immortality serum. What do you do? What are the political results? If you give it to everybody, the world gets overcrowded and everybody dies. If you limit it, if you say everyone who's alive now can have it but their children can't, then you end up with an underclass of people without it. Richard was just better able than most to see the unforeseen circumstances of any decision.''
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|
||||
Stallman remembers the discussions vividly. ``I was always in favor of immortality,'' he says. ``How else would we be able to see what the world is like 200 years from now?'' Curious, he began asking various acquaintances whether they would want immortality if offered it. ``I was shocked that most people regarded immortality as a bad thing.'' Many said that death was good because there was no use living a decrepit life, and that aging was good because it got people prepared for death, without recognizing the circularity of the combination.
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|
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Although perceived as a first-rank mathematician and first-rate informal debater, Stallman shied away from clear-cut competitive events that might have sealed his brilliant reputation. Near the end of freshman year at Harvard, Breidbart recalls how Stallman conspicuously ducked the Putnam exam, a prestigious test open to math students throughout the U.S. and Canada. In addition to giving students a chance to measure their knowledge in relation to their peers, the Putnam served as a chief recruiting tool for academic math departments. According to campus legend, the top scorer automatically qualified for a graduate fellowship at any school of his choice, including Harvard.
|
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|
||||
Like Math 55, the Putnam was a brutal test of merit. A six-hour exam in two parts, it seemed explicitly designed to separate the wheat from the chaff. Breidbart, a veteran of both the Science Honors Program and Math 55, describes it as easily the most difficult test he ever took. ``Just to give you an idea of how difficult it was,'' says Breidbart, ``the top score was a 120, and my score the first year was in the 30s. That score was still good enough to place me 101st in the country.''
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|
||||
Surprised that Stallman, the best student in the class, had skipped the test, Breidbart says he and a fellow classmate cornered him in the dining common and demanded an explanation. ``He said he was afraid of not doing well,'' Breidbart recalls.
|
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|
||||
Breidbart and the friend quickly wrote down a few problems from memory and gave them to Stallman. ``He solved all of them,'' Breidbart says, ``leading me to conclude that by not doing well, he either meant coming in second or getting something wrong.''
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|
||||
Stallman remembers the episode a bit differently. ``I remember that they did bring me the questions and it's possible that I solved one of them, but I'm pretty sure I didn't solve them all,'' he says. Nevertheless, Stallman agrees with Breidbart's recollection that fear was the primary reason for not taking the test. Despite a demonstrated willingness to point out the intellectual weaknesses of his peers and professors in the classroom, Stallman hated and feared the notion of head-to-head competition -- so why not just avoid it?
|
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|
||||
``It's the same reason I never liked chess,'' says Stallman. ``Whenever I'd play, I would become so consumed by the fear of making a single mistake and losing that I would start making stupid mistakes very early in the game. The fear became a self-fulfilling prophecy.'' He avoided the problem by not playing chess.
|
||||
|
||||
Whether such fears ultimately prompted Stallman to shy away from a mathematical career is a moot issue. By the end of his freshman year at Harvard, Stallman had other interests pulling him away from the field. Computer programming, a latent fascination throughout Stallman's high-school years, was becoming a full-fledged passion. Where other math students sought occasional refuge in art and history classes, Stallman sought it in the computer-science laboratory.
|
||||
|
||||
For Stallman, the first taste of real computer programming at the IBM New York Scientific Center had triggered a desire to learn more. ``Toward the end of my first year at Harvard school, I started to have enough courage to go visit computer labs and see what they had. I'd ask them if they had extra copies of any manuals that I could read.'' Taking the manuals home, Stallman would examine the machine specifications to learn about the range of different computer designs.
|
||||
|
||||
One day, near the end of his freshman year, Stallman heard about a special laboratory near MIT. The laboratory was located on the ninth floor of a building in Tech Square, the mostly-commercial office park MIT had built across the street from the campus. According to the rumors, the lab itself was dedicated to the cutting-edge science of artificial intelligence and boasted the cutting-edge machines and software to match.
|
||||
|
||||
Intrigued, Stallman decided to pay a visit.
|
||||
|
||||
The trip was short, about 2 miles on foot, 10 minutes by train, but as Stallman would soon find out, MIT and Harvard can feel like opposite poles of the same planet. With its maze-like tangle of interconnected office buildings, the Institute's campus offered an aesthetic yin to Harvard's spacious colonial-village yang. Of the two, the maze of MIT was much more Stallman's style. The same could be said for the student body, a geeky collection of ex-high school misfits known more for its predilection for pranks than its politically powerful alumni.
|
||||
|
||||
The yin-yang relationship extended to the AI Lab as well. Unlike Harvard computer labs, there was no grad-student gatekeeper, no clipboard waiting list for terminal access, no atmosphere of ``look but don't touch.'' Instead, Stallman found only a collection of open terminals and robotic arms, presumably the artifacts of some AI experiment. When he encountered a lab employee, he asked if the lab had any spare manuals it could loan to an inquisitive student. ``They had some, but a lot of things weren't documented,'' Stallman recalls. ``They were hackers, after all,'' he adds wryly, referring to hackers' tendency to move on to a new project without documenting the last one.
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman left with something even better than a manual: A job. His first project was to write a PDP-11 simulator that would run on a PDP-10. He came back to the AI Lab the next week, grabbing an available terminal, and began writing the code.
|
||||
|
||||
Looking back, Stallman sees nothing unusual in the AI Lab's willingness to accept an unproven outsider at first glance. ``That's the way it was back then,'' he says. ``That's the way it still is now. I'll hire somebody when I meet him if I see he's good. Why wait? Stuffy people who insist on putting bureaucracy into everything really miss the point. If a person is good, he shouldn't have to go through a long, detailed hiring process; he should be sitting at a computer writing code.''
|
||||
|
||||
To get a taste of ``bureaucratic and stuffy,'' Stallman need only visit the computer labs at Harvard. There, access to the terminals was doled out according to academic rank. As an undergrad, Stallman sometimes had to wait for hours. The waiting wasn't difficult, but it was frustrating. Waiting for a public terminal, knowing all the while that a half dozen equally usable machines were sitting idle inside professors' locked offices, seemed the height of irrational waste. Although Stallman continued to pay the occasional visit to the Harvard computer labs, he preferred the more egalitarian policies of the AI Lab. ``It was a breath of fresh air,'' he says. ``At the AI Lab, people seemed more concerned about work than status.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman quickly learned that the AI Lab's first-come, first-served policy owed much to the efforts of a vigilant few. Many were holdovers from the days of Project MAC, the Department of Defense-funded research program that had given birth to the first time-share operating systems. A few were already legends in the computing world. There was Richard Greenblatt, the lab's in-house Lisp expert and author of MacHack, the computer chess program that had once humbled AI critic Hubert Dreyfus. There was Gerald Sussman, original author of the robotic block-stacking program HACKER. And there was Bill Gosper, the in-house math whiz already in the midst of an 18-month hacking bender triggered by the philosophical implications of the computer game LIFE.\endnote{See Steven Levy, \textit{Hackers} (Penguin USA [paperback], 1984): 144.\\Levy devotes about five pages to describing Gosper's fascination with LIFE, a math-based software game first created by British mathematician John Conway. I heartily recommend this book as a supplement, perhaps even a prerequisite, to this one.}
|
||||
|
||||
Members of the tight-knit group called themselves ``hackers.'' Over time, they extended the ``hacker'' description to Stallman as well. In the process of doing so, they inculcated Stallman in the ethical traditions of the ``hacker ethic.'' In their fascination with exploring the limits of what they could make a computer do, hackers might sit at a terminal for 36 hours straight if fascinated with a challenge. Most importantly, they demanded access to the computer (when no one else was using it) and the most useful information about it. Hackers spoke openly about changing the world through software, and Stallman learned the instinctual hacker disdain for any obstacle that prevented a hacker from fulfilling this noble cause. Chief among these obstacles were poor software, academic bureaucracy, and selfish behavior.
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman also learned the lore, stories of how hackers, when presented with an obstacle, had circumvented it in creative ways. This included various ways that hackers had opened professors' offices to ``liberate'' sequestered terminals. Unlike their pampered Harvard counterparts, MIT faculty members knew better than to treat the AI Lab's limited stock of terminals as private property. If a faculty member made the mistake of locking away a terminal for the night, hackers were quick to make the terminal accessible again -- and to remonstrate with the professor for having mistreated the community. Some hackers did this by picking locks (``lock hacking''), some by removing ceiling tiles and climbing over the wall. On the 9th floor, with its false floor for the computers' cables, some spelunked under it. ``I was actually shown a cart with a heavy cylinder of metal on it that had been used to break down the door of one professor's office,''\endnote{Gerald Sussman, an MIT faculty member and hacker whose work at the AI Lab predates Stallman's, disputes this story. According to Sussman, the hackers never broke any doors to retrieve terminals.} Stallman says.
|
||||
|
||||
The hackers' insistence served a useful purpose by preventing the professors from egotistically obstructing the lab's work. The hackers did not disregard people's particular needs, but insisted that these be met in ways that didn't obstruct everyone else. For instance, professors occasionally said they had something in their offices which had to be protected from theft. The hackers responded, ``No one will object if you lock your office, although that's not very friendly, as long as you don't lock away the lab's terminal in it.''
|
||||
|
||||
Although the academic people greatly outnumbered the hackers in the AI Lab, the hacker ethic prevailed. The hackers were the lab staff and students who had designed and built parts of the computers, and written nearly all the software that users used. They kept everything working, too. Their work was essential, and they refused to be downtrodden. They worked on personal pet projects as well as features users had asked for, but sometimes the pet projects revolved around improving the machines and software even further. Like teenage hot-rodders, most hackers viewed tinkering with machines as its own form of entertainment.
|
||||
|
||||
Nowhere was this tinkering impulse better reflected than in the operating system that powered the lab's central PDP-10 computer. Dubbed ITS, short for the Incompatible Time Sharing system, the operating system incorporated the hacking ethic into its very design. Hackers had built it as a protest to Project MAC's original operating system, the Compatible Time Sharing System, CTSS, and named it accordingly. At the time, hackers felt the CTSS design too restrictive, limiting programmers' power to modify and improve the program's own internal architecture if needed. According to one legend passed down by hackers, the decision to build ITS had political overtones as well. Unlike CTSS, which had been designed for the IBM 7094, ITS was built specifically for the PDP-6. In letting hackers write the system themselves, AI Lab administrators guaranteed that only hackers would feel comfortable using the PDP-6. In the feudal world of academic research, the gambit worked. Although the PDP-6 was co-owned in conjunction with other departments, AI researchers soon had it to themselves. Using ITS and the PDP-6 as a foundation, the Lab had been able to declare independence from Project MAC shortly before Stallman's arrival.\endnote{\textit{Ibid.}}
|
||||
|
||||
By 1971, ITS had moved to the newer but compatible PDP-10, leaving the PDP-6 for special stand-alone uses. The AI PDP-10 had a very large memory for 1971, equivalent to a little over a megabyte; in the late 70s it was doubled. Project MAC had bought two other PDP-10s; all were located on the 9th floor, and they all ran ITS. The hardware-inclined hackers designed and built a major hardware addition for these PDP-10s, implementing paged virtual memory, a feature lacking in the standard PDP-10.\endnote{I apologize for the whirlwind summary of ITS' genesis, an operating system many hackers still regard as the epitome of the hacker ethos. For more information on the program's political significance, see Simson Garfinkel, \textit{Architects of the Information Society: Thirty-Five Years of the Laboratory for Computer Science at MIT} (MIT Press, 1999).}
|
||||
|
||||
As an apprentice hacker, Stallman quickly became enamored with ITS. Although forbidding to some non-hackers, ITS boasted features most commercial operating systems wouldn't offer for years (or even to this day), features such as multitasking, applying the debugger immediately to any running program, and full-screen editing capability.
|
||||
|
||||
``ITS had a very elegant internal mechanism for one program to examine another,'' says Stallman, recalling the program. ``You could examine all sorts of status about another program in a very clean, well-specified way.'' This was convenient
|
||||
not only for debugging, but also for programs to start, stop or control other programs.
|
||||
|
||||
Another favorite feature would allow the one program to freeze another program's job cleanly, between instructions. In other operating systems, comparable operations might stop the program in the middle of a system call, with internal status that the user could not see and that had no well-defined meaning. In ITS, this feature made sure that monitoring the step-by-step operation of a program was reliable and consistent.
|
||||
|
||||
``If you said, `Stop the job,' it would always be stopped in user mode. It would be stopped between two user-mode instructions, and everything about the job would be consistent for that point,'' Stallman says. ``If you said, `Resume the job,' it would continue properly. Not only that, but if you were to change the (explicitly visible) status of the job and continue it, and later change it back, everything would be consistent. There was no hidden status anywhere.''
|
||||
|
||||
Starting in September 1971, hacking at the AI Lab had become a regular part of Stallman's weekly school schedule. From Sunday through Friday, Stallman was at Harvard. As soon as Friday afternoon arrived, however, he was on the subway, heading down to MIT for the weekend. Stallman usually made sure to arrive well before the ritual food run. Joining five or six other hackers in their nightly quest for Chinese food, he would jump inside a beat-up car and head across the Harvard Bridge into nearby Boston. For the next hour or so, he and his hacker colleagues would discuss everything from ITS to the internal logic of the Chinese language and pictograph system. Following dinner, the group would return to MIT and hack code until dawn, or perhaps go to Chinatown again at 3 a.m.
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman might stay up all morning hacking, or might sleep Saturday morning on a couch. On waking he would hack some more, have another Chinese dinner, then go back to Harvard. Sometimes he would stay through Sunday as well. These Chinese dinners were not only delicious; they also provided sustenance lacking in the Harvard dining halls, where on the average only one meal a day included anything he could stomach. (Breakfast did not enter the count, since he didn't like most breakfast foods and was normally asleep at that hour.)
|
||||
|
||||
For the geeky outcast who rarely associated with his high-school peers, it was a heady experience to be hanging out with people who shared the same predilection for computers, science fiction, and Chinese food. ``I remember many sunrises seen from a car coming back from Chinatown,'' Stallman would recall nostalgically, 15 years after the fact in a speech at the Swedish Royal Technical Institute. ``It was actually a very beautiful thing to see a sunrise, 'cause that's such a calm time of day. It's a wonderful time of day to get ready to go to bed. It's so nice to walk home with the light just brightening and the birds starting to chirp; you can get a real feeling of gentle satisfaction, of tranquility about the work that you have done that night.''\endnote{See Richard Stallman, ``RMS lecture at KTH (Sweden),'' (October 30, 1986), \url{http://www.gnu.org/philosophy/stallman-kth.html}.}
|
||||
|
||||
The more Stallman hung out with the hackers, the more he adopted the hacker world view. Already committed to the notion of personal liberty, Stallman began to infuse his actions with a sense of communal duty. When others violated the communal code, Stallman was quick to speak out. Within a year of his first visit, Stallman was the one opening locked offices to recover the sequestered terminals that belonged to the lab community as a whole. In true hacker fashion, Stallman also sought to make his own personal contribution to the art. One of the most artful door-opening tricks, commonly attributed to Greenblatt, involved bending a stiff wire into several right angles and attaching a strip of tape to one end. Sliding the wire under the door, a hacker could twist and rotate the wire so that the tape touched the inside doorknob. Provided the tape stuck, a hacker could turn the doorknob by pulling the handle formed from the outside end of the wire.
|
||||
|
||||
When Stallman tried the trick, he found it hard to execute. Getting the tape to stick wasn't always easy, and twisting the wire in a way that turned the doorknob was similarly difficult. Stallman thought about another method: sliding away ceiling tiles to climb over the wall. This always worked, if there was a desk
|
||||
to jump down onto, but it generally covered the hacker in itchy fiberglass. Was there a way to correct that flaw? Stallman considered an alternative approach. What if, instead of slipping a wire under the door, a hacker slid away two ceiling panels and reached over the wall with a wire?
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman took it upon himself to try it out. Instead of using a wire, Stallman draped out a long U-shaped loop of magnetic tape with a short U of adhesive tape attached sticky-side-up at the base. Reaching across over the door jamb, he dangled the tape until it looped under the inside doorknob. Lifting the tape until the adhesive stuck, he then pulled on one end of the tape, thus turning the doorknob. Sure enough, the door opened. Stallman had added a new twist to the art of getting into a locked room.
|
||||
|
||||
``Sometimes you had to kick the door after you turned the door knob,'' says Stallman, recalling a slight imperfection of the new method. ``It took a little bit of balance to pull it off while standing on a chair on a desk.''
|
||||
|
||||
Such activities reflected a growing willingness on Stallman's part to speak and act out in defense of political beliefs. The AI Lab's spirit of direct action had proved inspirational enough for Stallman to break out of the timid impotence of his teenage years. Opening up an office to free a terminal wasn't the same as taking part in a protest march, but it was effective in a way that most protests weren't: it solved the problem at hand.
|
||||
|
||||
By the time of his last years at Harvard, Stallman was beginning to apply the whimsical and irreverent lessons of the AI Lab back at school.
|
||||
|
||||
``Did he tell you about the snake?'' his mother asks at one point during an interview. ``He and his dorm mates put a snake up for student election. Apparently it got a considerable number of votes.''
|
||||
|
||||
The snake was a candidate for election within Currier House, Stallman's dorm, not the campus-wide student council. Stallman does remember the snake attracting a fair number of votes, thanks in large part to the fact that both the snake and its owner both shared the same last name. ``People may have voted for it because they thought they were voting for the owner,'' Stallman says. ``Campaign posters said that the snake was `slithering for' the office. We also said it was an `at large' candidate, since it had climbed into the wall through the ventilating unit a few weeks before and nobody knew where it was.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman and friends also ``nominated'' the house master's 3-year-old son. ``His platform was mandatory retirement at age seven,'' Stallman recalls. Such pranks paled in comparison to the fake-candidate pranks on the MIT campus, however. One of the most successful fake-candidate pranks was a cat named Woodstock, which actually managed to outdraw most of the human candidates in a campus-wide election. ``They never announced how many votes Woodstock got, and they treated those votes as spoiled ballots,'' Stallman recalls. ``But the large number of spoiled ballots in that election suggested that Woodstock had actually won. A couple of years later, Woodstock was suspiciously run over by a car. Nobody knows if the driver was working for the MIT administration.'' Stallman says he had nothing to do with Woodstock's candidacy, ``but I admired it.''\endnote{In an email shortly after this book went into its final edit cycle, Stallman says he drew political inspiration from the Harvard campus as well. ``In my first year of Harvard, in a Chinese History class, I read the story of the first revolt against the Qin dynasty,'' he says. (That's the one whose cruel founder burnt all the books and was buried with the terra cotta warriors.) ``The story is not reliable history, but it was very moving.''}
|
||||
|
||||
At the AI Lab, Stallman's political activities had a sharper-edged tone. During the 1970s, hackers faced the constant challenge of faculty members and administrators pulling an end-run around ITS and its hacker-friendly design. ITS allowed anyone to sit down at a console and do anything at all, even order the system to shut down in five minutes. If someone ordered a shutdown with no good reason, some other user canceled it. In the mid-1970s some faculty members (usually those who had formed their attitudes elsewhere) began calling for a file security system to limit access to their data. Other operating systems had such features, so those faculty members had become accustomed to living under security, and to the feeling that it was protecting them from something dangerous. But the AI Lab, through the insistence of Stallman and other hackers, remained a security-free zone.
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman presented both ethical and practical arguments against adding security. On the ethical side, Stallman appealed to the AI Lab community's traditions of intellectual openness and trust. On the practical side, he pointed to the internal structure of ITS, which was built to foster hacking and cooperation rather than to keep every user under control. Any attempt to reverse that design would require a major overhaul. To make it even more difficult, he used up the last empty field in each file's descriptor for a feature to record which user had most recently changed the file. This feature left no place to store file security information, but it was so useful that nobody could seriously propose to remove it.
|
||||
|
||||
``The hackers who wrote the Incompatible Timesharing System decided that file protection was usually used by a self-styled system manager to get power over everyone else,'' Stallman would later explain. ``They didn't want anyone to be able to get power over them that way, so they didn't implement that kind of a feature. The result was, that whenever something in the system was broken, you could always fix it'' (since access control did not stand in your way).\endnote{See Richard Stallman (1986).}
|
||||
|
||||
Through such vigilance, hackers managed to keep the AI Lab's machines security-free. In one group at the nearby MIT Laboratory for Computer Sciences, however, security-minded faculty members won the day. The DM group installed its first password system in 1977. Once again, Stallman took it upon himself to correct what he saw as ethical laxity. Gaining access to the software code that controlled the password system, Stallman wrote a program to decrypt the encrypted passwords that the system recorded. Then he started an email campaign, asking users to choose the null string as their passwords. If the user had chosen ``starfish,'' for example, the email message looked something like this:
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
I see you chose the password ``starfish''. I suggest that you switch to the password ``carriage return'', which is what I use. It's easier to type, and also opposes the idea of passwords and security.
|
||||
\end{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
The users who chose ``carriage return'' -- that is, users who simply pressed the Enter or Return button, entering a blank string instead of a unique password -- left their accounts accessible to the world at large, just as all accounts had been, not long before. That was the point: by refusing to lock the shiny new locks on their accounts, they ridiculed the idea of having locks. They knew that the weak security implemented on that machine would not exclude any real intruders, and that this did not matter, because there was no reason to be concerned about intruders, and that no one wanted to intrude anyway, only to visit.
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman, speaking in an interview for the 1984 book \textit{Hackers}, proudly noted that one-fifth of the LCS staff accepted this argument and employed the null-string password.\endnote{See Steven Levy, \textit{Hackers} (Penguin USA [paperback], 1984): 417.}
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman's null-string campaign, and his resistance to security in general, would ultimately be defeated. By the early 1980s, even the AI Lab's machines were sporting password security systems. Even so, it represented a major milestone in terms of Stallman's personal and political maturation. Seen in the context of Stallman's later career, it represents a significant step in the development of the timid teenager, afraid to speak out even on issues of life-threatening importance, into the adult activist who would soon turn needling and cajoling into a full-time occupation.
|
||||
|
||||
In voicing his opposition to computer security, Stallman drew on many of the key ideas that had shaped his early life: hunger for knowledge, distaste for authority, and frustration over prejudice and secret rules that rendered some people outcasts. He would also draw on the ethical concepts that would shape his adult life: responsibility to the community, trust, and the hacker spirit of direct action. Expressed in software-computing terms, the null string represents the 1.0 version of the Richard Stallman political worldview -- incomplete in a few places but, for the most part, fully mature.
|
||||
|
||||
Looking back, Stallman hesitates to impart too much significance to an event so early in his hacking career. ``In that early stage there were a lot of people who shared my feelings,'' he says. ``The large number of people who adopted the null string as their password was a sign that many people agreed that it was the proper thing to do. I was simply inclined to be an activist about it.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman does credit the AI Lab for awakening that activist spirit, however. As a teenager, Stallman had observed political events with little idea as to how he could do or say anything of importance. As a young adult, Stallman was speaking out on matters in which he felt supremely confident, matters such as software design, responsibility to the community, and individual freedom. ``I joined this community which had a way of life which involved respecting each other's freedom,'' he says. ``It didn't take me long to figure out that that was a good thing. It took me longer to come to the conclusion that this was a moral issue.''
|
||||
|
||||
Hacking at the AI Lab wasn't the only activity helping to boost Stallman's esteem. At the start of his junior year at Harvard, Stallman began participating in a recreational international folk dance group which had just been started in Currier House. He was not going to try it, considering himself incapable of dancing, but a friend pointed out, ``You don't know you can't if you haven't tried.'' To his amazement, he was good at it and enjoyed it. What started as an experiment became another passion alongside hacking and studying; also, occasionally, a way to meet women, though it didn't lead to a date during his college career. While dancing, Stallman no longer felt like the awkward, uncoordinated 10-year-old whose attempts to play football had ended in frustration. He felt confident, agile, and alive. In the early 80s, Stallman went further and joined the MIT Folk Dance Performing Group. Dancing for audiences, dressed in an imitation of the traditional garb of a Balkan peasant, he found being in front of an audience fun, and discovered an aptitude for being on stage which later helped him in public speaking.
|
||||
|
||||
Although the dancing and hacking did little to improve Stallman's social standing, they helped him overcome the sense of exclusion that had clouded his pre-Harvard life. In 1977, attending a science-fiction convention for the first time, he came across Nancy the Buttonmaker, who makes calligraphic buttons saying whatever you wish. Excited, Stallman ordered a button with the words ``Impeach God'' emblazoned on it.
|
||||
|
||||
For Stallman, the ``Impeach God'' message worked on many levels. An atheist since early childhood, Stallman first saw it as an attempt to start a ``second front'' in the ongoing debate on religion. ``Back then everybody was arguing about whether a god existed,'' Stallman recalls. ```Impeach God' approached the subject from a completely different viewpoint. If a god was so powerful as to create the world and yet did nothing to correct the problems in it, why would we ever want to worship such a god? Wouldn't it be more just to put it on trial?''
|
||||
|
||||
At the same time, ``Impeach God'' was a reference to the the Watergate scandal of the 1970s, in effect comparing a tyrannical deity to Nixon. Watergate affected Stallman deeply. As a child, Stallman had grown up resenting authority. Now, as an adult, his mistrust had been solidified by the culture of the AI Lab hacker community. To the hackers, Watergate was merely a Shakespearean rendition of the daily power struggles that made life such a hassle for those without privilege. It was an outsized parable for what happened when people traded liberty and openness for security and convenience.
|
||||
|
||||
Buoyed by growing confidence, Stallman wore the button proudly. People curious enough to ask him about it received a well-prepared spiel. ``My name is Jehovah,'' Stallman would say. ``I have a secret plan to end injustice and suffering, but due to heavenly security reasons I can't tell you the workings of my plan. I see the big picture and you don't, and you know I'm good because I told you so. So put your faith in me and obey me without question. If you don't obey, that means you're evil, so I'll put you on my enemies list and throw you in a pit where the Infernal Revenue Service will audit your taxes every year for all eternity.''
|
||||
|
||||
Those who interpreted the spiel as a parody of the Watergate hearings only got half the message. For Stallman, the other half of the message was something only his fellow hackers seemed to be hearing. One hundred years after Lord Acton warned about absolute power corrupting absolutely, Americans seemed to have forgotten the first part of Acton's truism: power, itself, corrupts. Rather than point out the numerous examples of petty corruption, Stallman felt content voicing his outrage toward an entire system that trusted power in the first place.
|
||||
|
||||
``I figured, why stop with the small fry,'' says Stallman, recalling the button and its message. ``If we went after Nixon, why not go after Mr. Big? The way I see it, any being that has power and abuses it deserves to have that power taken away.''
|
||||
|
||||
\theendnotes
|
||||
\setcounter{endnote}{0}
|
232
chap05.tex
Normal file
232
chap05.tex
Normal file
@ -0,0 +1,232 @@
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2002, 2010 Sam Williams
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2010 Richard M. Stallman
|
||||
%% Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this
|
||||
%% document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License,
|
||||
%% Version 1.3 or any later version published by the Free Software
|
||||
%% Foundation; with no Invariant Sections, no Front-Cover Texts, and
|
||||
%% no Back-Cover Texts. A copy of the license is included in the
|
||||
%% file called ``gfdl.tex''.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
\chapter{Puddle of Freedom}
|
||||
|
||||
[RMS: In this chapter, I have corrected statements about facts, including facts about my thoughts and feelings, and removed some gratuitous hostility in descriptions of events. I have preserved Williams' statements of his own impressions, except where noted.]
|
||||
|
||||
Ask anyone who's spent more than a minute in Richard Stallman's presence, and you'll get the same recollection: forget the long hair. Forget the quirky demeanor. The first thing you notice is the gaze. One look into Stallman's green eyes, and you know you're in the presence of a true believer.
|
||||
|
||||
To call the Stallman gaze intense is an understatement. Stallman's eyes don't just look at you; they look through you. Even when your own eyes momentarily shift away out of simple primate politeness, Stallman's eyes remain locked-in, sizzling away at the side of your head like twin photon beams.
|
||||
|
||||
Maybe that's why most writers, when describing Stallman, tend to go for the religious angle. In a 1998 \textit{Salon.com} article titled ``The Saint of Free Software,'' Andrew Leonard describes Stallman's green eyes as ``radiating the power of an Old Testament prophet.''\endnote{See Andrew Leonard, ``The Saint of Free Software,'' \textit{Salon.com} (August 1998), \url{http://www.salon.com/21st/feature/1998/08/cov_31feature.html}.} A 1999 \textit{Wired} magazine article describes the Stallman beard as ``Rasputin-like,''\endnote{See Leander Kahney, ``Linux's Forgotten Man,'' \textit{Wired News} (March 5, 1999), \url{http://www.wired.com/news/print/0,1294,18291,00.html}.} while a \textit{London Guardian} profile describes the Stallman smile as the smile of ``a disciple seeing Jesus.''\endnote{See ``Programmer on moral high ground; Free software is a moral issue for Richard Stallman believes in freedom and free software,'' \textit{London Guardian} (November 6, 1999), \url{http://www.guardian.co.uk/uk/1999/nov/06/andrewbrown}.
|
||||
|
||||
These are just a small sampling of the religious comparisons. To date, the most extreme comparison has to go to Linus Torvalds, who, in his autobiography -- see Linus Torvalds and David Diamond, \textit{Just For Fun: The Story of an Accidental Revolutionary} (HarperCollins Publishers, Inc., 2001): 58 -- writes, ``Richard Stallman is the God of Free Software.''
|
||||
|
||||
Honorable mention goes to Larry Lessig, who, in a footnote description of Stallman in his book -- see Larry Lessig, \textit{The Future of Ideas} (Random House, 2001): 270 -- likens Stallman to Moses:
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
\ldots as with Moses, it was another leader, Linus Torvalds, who finally carried the movement into the promised land by facilitating the development of the final part of the OS puzzle. Like Moses, too, Stallman is both respected and reviled by allies within the movement. He is [an] unforgiving, and hence for many inspiring, leader of a critically important aspect of modern culture. I have deep respect for the principle and commitment of this extraordinary individual, though I also have great respect for those who are courageous enough to question his thinking and then sustain his wrath.
|
||||
|
||||
\end{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
In a final interview with Stallman, I asked him his thoughts about the religious comparisons. ``Some people do compare me with an Old Testament prophet, and the reason is Old Testament prophets said certain social practices were wrong. They wouldn't compromise on moral issues. They couldn't be bought off, and they were usually treated with contempt.''}
|
||||
|
||||
Such analogies serve a purpose, but they ultimately fall short. That's because they fail to take into account the vulnerable side of the Stallman persona. Watch the Stallman gaze for an extended period of time, and you will begin to notice a subtle change. What appears at first to be an attempt to intimidate or hypnotize reveals itself upon second and third viewing as a frustrated attempt to build and maintain contact. If his personality has a touch or ``shadow'' of autism or Asperger's Syndrome, a possibility that Stallman has entertained from time to time, his eyes certainly confirm the diagnosis. Even at their most high-beam level of intensity, they have a tendency to grow cloudy and distant, like the eyes of a wounded animal preparing to give up the ghost.
|
||||
|
||||
My own first encounter with the legendary Stallman gaze dates back to the March, 1999, LinuxWorld Convention and Expo in San Jose, California. Billed as a ``coming out party'' for the ``Linux'' software community, the convention also stands out as the event that reintroduced Stallman to the technology media. Determined to push for his proper share of credit, Stallman used the event to instruct spectators and reporters alike on the history of the GNU Project and the project's overt political objectives.
|
||||
|
||||
As a reporter sent to cover the event, I received my own Stallman tutorial during a press conference announcing the release of GNOME 1.0, a free software graphic user interface. Unwittingly, I push an entire bank of hot buttons when I throw out my very first question to Stallman himself: ``Do you think GNOME's maturity will affect the commercial popularity of the Linux operating system?''
|
||||
|
||||
``I ask that you please stop calling the operating system Linux,'' Stallman responds, eyes immediately zeroing in on mine. ``The Linux kernel is just a small part of the operating system. Many of the software programs that make up the operating system you call Linux were not developed by Linus Torvalds at all. They were created by GNU Project volunteers, putting in their own personal time so that users might have a free operating system like the one we have today. To not acknowledge the contribution of those programmers is both impolite and a misrepresentation of history. That's why I ask that when you refer to the operating system, please call it by its proper name, GNU/Linux.''
|
||||
|
||||
Taking the words down in my reporter's notebook, I notice an eerie silence in the crowded room. When I finally look up, I find Stallman's unblinking eyes waiting for me. Timidly, a second reporter throws out a question, making sure to use the term ``GNU/Linux'' instead of Linux. Miguel de Icaza, leader of the GNOME project, fields the question. It isn't until halfway through de Icaza's answer, however, that Stallman's eyes finally unlock from mine. As soon as they do, a mild shiver rolls down my back. When Stallman starts lecturing another reporter over a perceived error in diction, I feel a guilty tinge of relief. At least he isn't looking at me, I tell myself.
|
||||
|
||||
For Stallman, such face-to-face moments would serve their purpose. By the end of the first LinuxWorld show, most reporters know better than to use the term ``Linux'' in his presence, and Wired.com is running a story comparing Stallman to a pre-Stalinist revolutionary erased from the history books by hackers and entrepreneurs eager to downplay the GNU Project's overly political objectives.\endnote{See Leander Kahney (1999).} Other articles follow, and while few reporters call the operating system GNU/Linux in print, most are quick to credit Stallman for launching the drive to build a free software operating system 15 years before.
|
||||
|
||||
I won't meet Stallman again for another 17 months. During the interim, Stallman will revisit Silicon Valley once more for the August, 1999 LinuxWorld show. Although not invited to speak, Stallman does manage to deliver the event's best line. Accepting the show's Linus Torvalds Award for Community Service -- an award named after Linux creator Linus Torvalds -- on behalf of the Free Software Foundation, Stallman wisecracks, ``Giving the Linus Torvalds Award to the Free Software Foundation is a bit like giving the Han Solo Award to the Rebel Alliance.''
|
||||
|
||||
This time around, however, the comments fail to make much of a media dent. Midway through the week, Red Hat, Inc., a prominent GNU/Linux vendor, goes public. The news merely confirms what many reporters such as myself already suspect: ``Linux'' has become a Wall Street buzzword, much like ``e-commerce'' and ``dot-com'' before it. With the stock market approaching the Y2K rollover like a hyperbola approaching its vertical asymptote, all talk of free software or open source as a political phenomenon falls by the wayside.
|
||||
|
||||
Maybe that's why, when LinuxWorld follows up its first two shows with a third LinuxWorld show in August, 2000, Stallman is conspicuously absent.
|
||||
|
||||
My second encounter with Stallman and his trademark gaze comes shortly after that third LinuxWorld show. Hearing that Stallman is going to be in Silicon Valley, I set up a lunch interview in Palo Alto, California. The meeting place seems ironic, not only because of his absence from the show but also because of the overall backdrop. Outside of Redmond, Washington, few cities offer a more direct testament to the economic value of proprietary software. Curious to see how Stallman, a man who has spent the better part of his life railing against our culture's predilection toward greed and selfishness, is coping in a city where even garage-sized bungalows run in the half-million-dollar price range, I make the drive down from Oakland.
|
||||
|
||||
I follow the directions Stallman has given me, until I reach the headquarters of Art.net, a nonprofit ``virtual artists collective.'' Located in a hedge-shrouded house in the northern corner of the city, the Art.net headquarters are refreshingly run-down. Suddenly, the idea of Stallman lurking in the heart of Silicon Valley doesn't seem so strange after all.
|
||||
|
||||
I find Stallman sitting in a darkened room, tapping away on his gray laptop computer. He looks up as soon as I enter the room, giving me a full blast of his 200-watt gaze. When he offers a soothing ``Hello,'' I offer a return greeting. Before the words come out, however, his eyes have already shifted back to the laptop screen.
|
||||
|
||||
``I'm just finishing an article on the spirit of hacking,'' Stallman says, fingers still tapping. ``Take a look.''
|
||||
|
||||
I take a look. The room is dimly lit, and the text appears as greenish-white letters on a black background, a reversal of the color scheme used by most desktop word-processing programs, so it takes my eyes a moment to adjust. When they do, I find myself reading Stallman's account of a recent meal at a Korean restaurant. Before the meal, Stallman makes an interesting discovery: the person setting the table has left six chopsticks instead of the usual two in front of Stallman's place setting. Where most restaurant goers would have ignored the redundant pairs, Stallman takes it as challenge: find a way to use all six chopsticks at once. Like many software hacks, the successful solution is both clever and silly at the same time. Hence Stallman's decision to use it as an illustration.
|
||||
|
||||
As I read the story, I feel Stallman watching me intently. I look over to notice a proud but child-like half smile on his face. When I praise the essay, my comment barely merits a raised eyebrow.
|
||||
|
||||
``I'll be ready to go in a moment,'' he says.
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman goes back to tapping away at his laptop. The laptop is gray and boxy, not like the sleek, modern laptops that seemed to be a programmer favorite at the recent LinuxWorld show. Above the keyboard rides a smaller, lighter keyboard, a testament to Stallman's aging hands. During the mid 1990s, the pain in Stallman's hands became so unbearable that he had to hire a typist. Today, Stallman relies on a keyboard whose keys require less pressure than a typical computer keyboard.
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman has a tendency to block out all external stimuli while working. Watching his eyes lock onto the screen and his fingers dance, one quickly gets the sense of two old friends locked in deep conversation.
|
||||
|
||||
The session ends with a few loud keystrokes and the slow disassembly of the laptop.
|
||||
|
||||
``Ready for lunch?'' Stallman asks.
|
||||
|
||||
We walk to my car. Pleading a sore ankle, Stallman limps along slowly. Stallman blames the injury on a tendon in his left foot. The injury is three years old and has gotten so bad that Stallman, a huge fan of folk dancing, has been forced to give up all dancing activities. ``I love folk dancing intensely,'' Stallman laments. ``Not being able to dance has been a tragedy for me.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman's body bears witness to the tragedy. Lack of exercise has left Stallman with swollen cheeks and a pot belly that was much less visible the year before. You can tell the weight gain has been dramatic, because when Stallman walks, he arches his back like a pregnant woman trying to accommodate an unfamiliar load.
|
||||
|
||||
The walk is further slowed by Stallman's willingness to stop and smell the roses, literally. Spotting a particularly beautiful blossom, he strokes the innermost petals against his nose, takes a deep sniff, and steps back with a contented sigh.
|
||||
|
||||
``Mmm, rhinophytophilia,'' he says, rubbing his back.\endnote{At the time, I thought Stallman was referring to the flower's scientific name. Months later, I would learn that \textit{rhinophytophilia} was in fact a humorous reference to the activity -- i.e., Stallman's sticking his nose into a flower and enjoying the moment -- presenting it as the kinky practice of nasal sex with plants. For another humorous Stallman flower incident, visit: \url{http://www.stallman.org/articles/texas.html}.}
|
||||
|
||||
The drive to the restaurant takes less than three minutes. Upon recommendation from Tim Ney, former executive director of the Free Software Foundation, I have let Stallman choose the restaurant. While some reporters zero in on Stallman's monk-like lifestyle, the truth is, Stallman is a committed epicure when it comes to food. One of the fringe benefits of being a traveling missionary for the free software cause is the ability to sample delicious food from around the world. ``Visit almost any major city in the world, and chances are Richard knows the best restaurant in town,'' says Ney. ``Richard also takes great pride in knowing what's on the menu and ordering for the entire the table.'' (If they are willing, that is.)
|
||||
|
||||
For today's meal, Stallman has chosen a Cantonese-style dim sum restaurant two blocks off University Avenue, Palo Alto's main drag. The choice is partially inspired by Stallman's recent visit to China, including a stop in Hong Kong, in addition to Stallman's personal aversion to spicier Hunanese and Szechuan cuisine. ``I'm not a big fan of spicy,'' Stallman admits.
|
||||
|
||||
We arrive a few minutes after 11 a.m. and find ourselves already subject to a 20-minute wait. Given the hacker aversion to lost time, I hold my breath momentarily, fearing an outburst. Stallman, contrary to expectations, takes the news in stride.
|
||||
|
||||
``It's too bad we couldn't have found somebody else to join us,'' he tells me. ``It's always more fun to eat with a group of people.''
|
||||
|
||||
During the wait, Stallman practices a few dance steps. His moves are tentative but skilled. We discuss current events. Stallman says his only regret about not attending LinuxWorld was missing out on a press conference announcing the launch of the GNOME Foundation. Backed by Sun Microsystems and IBM, the foundation is in many ways a vindication for Stallman, who has long championed that free software and free-market economics need not be mutually exclusive. Nevertheless, Stallman remains dissatisfied by the message that came out.
|
||||
|
||||
``The way it was presented, the companies were talking about Linux with no mention of the GNU Project at all,'' Stallman says.
|
||||
|
||||
Such disappointments merely contrast the warm response coming from overseas, especially Asia, Stallman notes. A quick glance at the Stallman 2000 travel itinerary bespeaks the growing popularity of the free software message. Between recent visits to India, China, and Brazil, Stallman has spent 12 of the last 115 days on United States soil. His travels have given him an opportunity to see how the free software concept translates into different languages of cultures.
|
||||
|
||||
``In India many people are interested in free software, because they see it as a way to build their computing infrastructure without spending a lot of money,'' Stallman says. ``In China, the concept has been much slower to catch on. Comparing free software to free speech is harder to do when you don't have any free speech. Still, the level of interest in free software during my last visit was profound.''
|
||||
|
||||
The conversation shifts to Napster, the San Mateo, California software company, which has become something of a media cause célèbre in recent months. The company markets a controversial software tool that lets music fans browse and copy the music files of other music fans. Thanks to the magnifying powers of the Internet, this so-called ``peer-to-peer'' program has evolved into a de facto online jukebox, giving ordinary music fans a way to listen to MP3 music files over the computer without paying a royalty or fee, much to record companies' chagrin.
|
||||
|
||||
Although based on proprietary software, the Napster system draws inspiration from the long-held Stallman contention that once a work enters the digital realm -- in other words, once making a copy is less a matter of duplicating sounds or duplicating atoms and more a matter of duplicating information -- the natural human impulse to share a work becomes harder to restrict. Rather than impose additional restrictions, Napster execs have decided to take advantage of the impulse. Giving music listeners a central place to trade music files, the company has gambled on its ability to steer the resulting user traffic toward other commercial opportunities.
|
||||
|
||||
The sudden success of the Napster model has put the fear in traditional record companies, with good reason. Just days before my Palo Alto meeting with Stallman, U.S. District Court Judge Marilyn Patel granted a request filed by the Recording Industry Association of America for an injunction against the file-sharing service. The injunction was subsequently suspended by the U.S. Ninth District Court of Appeals, but by early 2001, the Court of Appeals, too, would find the San Mateo-based company in breach of copyright law,\endnote{See Cecily Barnes and Scott Ard, ``Court Grants Stay of Napster Injunction,'' \textit{News.com} (July 28, 2000), \url{http://news.cnet.com/news/0-1005-200-2376465.html}.} a decision RIAA spokesperson Hillary Rosen would later proclaim a ``clear victory for the creative content community and the legitimate online marketplace.''\endnote{See ``A Clear Victory for Recording Industry in Napster Case,'' RIAA press release (February 12, 2001), \url{http://www.riaa.com/PR_story.cfm?id=372}.}
|
||||
|
||||
For hackers such as Stallman, the Napster business model is troublesome in different ways. The company's eagerness to appropriate time-worn hacker principles such as file sharing and communal information ownership, while at the same time selling a service based on proprietary software, sends a distressing mixed message. As a person who already has a hard enough time getting his own carefully articulated message into the media stream, Stallman is understandably reticent when it comes to speaking out about the company. Still, Stallman does admit to learning a thing or two from the social side of the Napster phenomenon.
|
||||
|
||||
``Before Napster, I thought it might be [sufficient] for people to privately redistribute works of entertainment,'' Stallman says. ``The number of people who find Napster useful, however, tells me that the right to redistribute copies not only on a neighbor-to-neighbor basis, but to the public at large, is essential and therefore may not be taken away.''
|
||||
|
||||
No sooner does Stallman say this than the door to the restaurant swings open and we are invited back inside by the host. Within a few seconds, we are seated in a side corner of the restaurant next to a large mirrored wall.
|
||||
|
||||
The restaurant's menu doubles as an order form, and Stallman is quickly checking off boxes before the host has even brought water to the table. ``Deep-fried shrimp roll wrapped in bean-curd skin,'' Stallman reads. ``Bean-curd skin. It offers such an interesting texture. I think we should get it.''
|
||||
|
||||
This comment leads to an impromptu discussion of Chinese food and Stallman's recent visit to China. ``The food in China is utterly exquisite,'' Stallman says, his voice gaining an edge of emotion for the first time this morning. ``So many different things that I've never seen in the U.S., local things made from local mushrooms and local vegetables. It got to the point where I started keeping a journal just to keep track of every wonderful meal.''
|
||||
|
||||
The conversation segues into a discussion of Korean cuisine. During the same June, 2000, Asian tour, Stallman paid a visit to South Korea. His arrival ignited a mini-firestorm in the local media thanks to a Korean software conference attended by Microsoft founder and chairman Bill Gates that same week. Next to getting his photo above Gates's photo on the front page of the top Seoul newspaper, Stallman says the best thing about the trip was the food. ``I had a bowl of naeng myun, which is cold noodles,'' says Stallman. ``These were a very interesting feeling noodle. Most places don't use quite the same kind of noodles for your naeng myun, so I can say with complete certainty that this was the most exquisite naeng myun I ever had.''
|
||||
|
||||
The term ``exquisite'' is high praise coming from Stallman. I know this, because a few moments after listening to Stallman rhapsodize about naeng myun, I feel his laser-beam eyes singeing the top of my right shoulder.
|
||||
|
||||
``There is the most exquisite woman sitting just behind you,'' Stallman says.
|
||||
|
||||
I turn to look, catching a glimpse of a woman's back. The woman is young, somewhere in her mid-20s, and is wearing a white sequined dress. She and her male lunch companion are in the final stages of paying the check. When both get up from the table to leave the restaurant, I can tell without looking, because Stallman's eyes suddenly dim in intensity.
|
||||
|
||||
``Oh, no,'' he says. ``They're gone. And to think, I'll probably never even get to see her again.''
|
||||
|
||||
After a brief sigh, Stallman recovers. The moment gives me a chance to discuss Stallman's reputation vis-à-vis the fairer sex. The reputation is a bit contradictory at times. A number of hackers report Stallman's predilection for greeting females with a kiss on the back of the hand.\endnote{See Mae Ling Mak, ``A Mae Ling Story'' (December 17, 1998), \url{http://crackmonkey.org/pipermai l/crackmonkey/1998-December/001777.html}.
|
||||
|
||||
So far, Mak is the only person I've found willing to speak on the record in regard to this practice, although I've heard this from a few other female sources. Mak, despite expressing initial revulsion at it, later managed to put aside her misgivings and dance with Stallman at a 1999 LinuxWorld show.} A May 26, 2000 \textit{Salon.com} article, meanwhile, portrays Stallman as a bit of a hacker lothario. Documenting the free software-free love connection, reporter Annalee Newitz presents Stallman as rejecting traditional family values, telling her, ``I believe in love, but not monogamy.''\endnote{See Annalee Newitz, ``If Code is Free Why Not Me?'', \textit{Salon.com} (May 26, 2000), \url{http://www.salon.com/tech/feature/2000/05/26/free_love/print.html}.}
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman lets his menu drop a little when I bring this up. ``Well, most men seem to want sex and seem to have a rather contemptuous attitude towards women,'' he says. ``Even women they're involved with. I can't understand it at all.''
|
||||
|
||||
I mention a passage from the 1999 book \textit{Open Sources} in which Stallman confesses to wanting to name the GNU kernel after a girlfriend at the time. The girlfriend's name was Alix, a name that fit perfectly with the Unix developer convention of putting an ``x'' at the end names of operating systems and kernels -- e.g., ``Linux.'' Alix was a Unix system administrator, and had suggested to her friends, ``Someone should name a kernel after me.'' So Stallman decided to name the GNU kernel ``Alix'' as a surprise for her. The kernel's main developer renamed the kernel ``Hurd,'' but retained the name ``Alix'' for part of it. One of Alix's friends noticed this part in a source snapshot and told her, and she was touched. A later redesign of the Hurd eliminated that part.\endnote{See Richard Stallman, ``The GNU Operating System and the Free Software Movement,'' \textit{Open Sources} (O'Reilly \& Associates, Inc., 1999): 65. [RMS: Williams interpreted this vignette as suggesting that I am a hopeless romantic, and that my efforts were meant to impress some as-yet-unidentified woman. No MIT hacker would believe this, since we learned quite young that most women wouldn't notice us, let alone love us, for our programming. We programmed because it was fascinating. Meanwhile, these events were only possible because I had a thoroughly identified girlfriend at the time. If I was a romantic, at the time I was neither a hopeless romantic nor a hopeful romantic, but rather temporarily a successful one.
|
||||
|
||||
On the strength of that naive interpretation, Williams went on to compare me to Don Quijote.
|
||||
|
||||
For completeness' sake, here's a somewhat inarticulate quote from the first edition: ``I wasn't really trying to be romantic. It was more of a teasing thing. I mean, it was romantic, but it was also teasing, you know? It would have been a delightful surprise.'']}
|
||||
|
||||
For the first time all morning, Stallman smiles. I bring up the hand kissing. ``Yes, I do do that,'' Stallman says. ``I've found it's a way of offering some affection that a lot of women will enjoy. It's a chance to give some affection and to be appreciated for it.''
|
||||
|
||||
Affection is a thread that runs clear through Richard Stallman's life, and he is painfully candid about it when questions arise. ``There really hasn't been much affection in my life, except in my mind,'' he says. Still, the discussion quickly grows awkward. After a few one-word replies, Stallman finally lifts up his menu, cutting off the inquiry.
|
||||
|
||||
``Would you like some shu mai?'' he asks.
|
||||
|
||||
When the food comes out, the conversation slaloms between the arriving courses. We discuss the oft-noted hacker affection for Chinese food, the weekly dinner runs into Boston's Chinatown district during Stallman's days as a staff programmer at the AI Lab, and the underlying logic of the Chinese language and its associated writing system. Each thrust on my part elicits a well-informed parry on Stallman's part.
|
||||
|
||||
``I heard some people speaking Shanghainese the last time I was in China,'' Stallman says. ``It was interesting to hear. It sounded quite different [from Mandarin]. I had them tell me some cognate words in Mandarin and Shanghainese. In some cases you can see the resemblance, but one question I was wondering about was whether tones would be similar. They're not. That's interesting to me, because there's a theory that the tones evolved from additional syllables that got lost and replaced. Their effect survives in the tone. If that's true, and I've seen claims that that happened within historic times, the dialects must have diverged before the loss of these final syllables.''
|
||||
|
||||
The first dish, a plate of pan-fried turnip cakes, has arrived. Both Stallman and I take a moment to carve up the large rectangular cakes, which smell like boiled cabbage but taste like potato latkes fried in bacon.
|
||||
|
||||
I decide to bring up the outcast issue again, wondering if Stallman's teenage years conditioned him to take unpopular stands, most notably his uphill battle since 1994 to get computer users and the media to replace the popular term ``Linux'' with ``GNU/Linux.''
|
||||
|
||||
``I believe [being an outcast] did help me [to avoid bowing to popular views],'' Stallman says, chewing on a dumpling. ``I have never understood what peer pressure does to other people. I think the reason is that I was so hopelessly rejected that for me, there wasn't anything to gain by trying to follow any of the fads. It wouldn't have made any difference. I'd still be just as rejected, so I didn't try.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman points to his taste in music as a key example of his contrarian tendencies. As a teenager, when most of his high school classmates were listening to Motown and acid rock, Stallman preferred classical music. The memory leads to a rare humorous episode from Stallman's middle-school years. Following the Beatles' 1964 appearance on the Ed Sullivan Show, most of Stallman's classmates rushed out to purchase the latest Beatles albums and singles. Right then and there, Stallman says, he made a decision to boycott the Fab Four.
|
||||
|
||||
``I liked some of the pre-Beatles popular music,'' Stallman says. ``But I didn't like the Beatles. I especially disliked the wild way people reacted to them. It was like: who was going to have a Beatles assembly to adulate the Beatles the most?''
|
||||
|
||||
When his Beatles boycott failed to take hold, Stallman looked for other ways to point out the herd-mentality of his peers. Stallman says he briefly considered putting together a rock band himself dedicated to satirizing the Liverpool group.
|
||||
|
||||
``I wanted to call it Tokyo Rose and the Japanese Beetles.''
|
||||
|
||||
Given his current love for international folk music, I ask Stallman if he had a similar affinity for Bob Dylan and the other folk musicians of the early 1960s. Stallman shakes his head. ``I did like Peter, Paul and Mary,'' he says. ``That reminds me of a great filk.''
|
||||
|
||||
When I ask for a definition of ``filk,'' Stallman explains that the term is used in science fiction fandom to refer to the writing of new lyrics for songs. (In recent decades, some filkers write melodies too.) Classic filks include ``On Top of Spaghetti,'' a rewrite of ``On Top of Old Smokey,'' and ``Yoda,'' filk-master ``Weird'' Al Yankovic's Star Wars-oriented rendition of the Kinks tune, ``Lola.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman asks me if I would be interested in hearing the filk. As soon as I say yes, Stallman's voice begins singing in an unexpectedly clear tone, using the tune of ``Blowin' in the Wind'':
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{verse}
|
||||
How much wood could a woodchuck chuck,\\
|
||||
If a woodchuck could chuck wood?\\
|
||||
How many poles could a polak lock,\\
|
||||
If a polak could lock poles?\\
|
||||
How many knees could a negro grow,\\
|
||||
If a negro could grow knees?\\
|
||||
The answer, my dear,\\
|
||||
is stick it in your ear.\\
|
||||
The answer is, stick it in your ear\ldots
|
||||
\end{verse}
|
||||
|
||||
The singing ends, and Stallman's lips curl into another child-like half smile. I glance around at the nearby tables. The Asian families enjoying their Sunday lunch pay little attention to the bearded alto in their midst.\endnote{For Stallman's own filks, visit \url{http://www.stallman.org/doggerel.html}. To hear Stallman singing ``The Free Software Song,'' visit \url{http://www.gnu.org/music/free-software-song.html}.} After a few moments of hesitation, I finally smile too.
|
||||
|
||||
``Do you want that last cornball?'' Stallman asks, eyes twinkling. Before I can screw up the punch line, Stallman grabs the corn-encrusted dumpling with his two chopsticks and lifts it proudly. ``Maybe I'm the one who should get the cornball,'' he says.
|
||||
|
||||
The food gone, our conversation assumes the dynamics of a normal interview. Stallman reclines in his chair and cradles a cup of tea in his hands. We resume talking about Napster and its relation to the free software movement. Should the principles of free software be extended to similar arenas such as music publishing? I ask.
|
||||
|
||||
``It's a mistake to transfer answers from one thing to another,'' says Stallman, contrasting songs with software programs. ``The right approach is to look at each type of work and see what conclusion you get.''
|
||||
|
||||
When it comes to copyrighted works, Stallman says he divides the world into three categories. The first category involves ``functional'' works -- e.g., software programs, dictionaries, and textbooks. The second category involves works that might best be described as ``testimonial'' -- e.g., scientific papers and historical documents. Such works serve a purpose that would be undermined if subsequent readers or authors were free to modify the work at will. It also includes works of personal expression -- e.g., diaries, journals, and autobiographies. To modify such documents would be to alter a person's recollections or point of view, which Stallman considers ethically unjustifiable. The third category includes works of art and entertainment.
|
||||
|
||||
Of the three categories, the first should give users the unlimited right to make modified versions, while the second and third should regulate that right according to the will of the original author. Regardless of category, however, the freedom to copy and redistribute noncommercially should remain unabridged at all times, Stallman insists. If that means giving Internet users the right to generate a hundred copies of an article, image, song, or book and then email the copies to a hundred strangers, so be it. ``It's clear that private occasional redistribution must be permitted, because only a police state can stop that,'' Stallman says. ``It's antisocial to come between people and their friends. Napster has convinced me that we also need to permit, must permit, even noncommercial redistribution to the public for the fun of it. Because so many people want to do that and find it so useful.''
|
||||
|
||||
When I ask whether the courts would accept such a permissive outlook, Stallman cuts me off.
|
||||
|
||||
``That's the wrong question,'' he says. ``I mean now you've changed the subject entirely from one of ethics to one of interpreting laws. And those are two totally different questions in the same field. It's useless to jump from one to the other. How the courts would interpret the existing laws is mainly in a harsh way, because that's the way these laws have been bought by publishers.''
|
||||
|
||||
The comment provides an insight into Stallman's political philosophy: just because the legal system currently backs up businesses' ability to treat copyright as the software equivalent of land title doesn't mean computer users have to play the game according to those rules. Freedom is an ethical issue, not a legal issue. ``I'm looking beyond what the existing laws are to what they should be,'' Stallman says. ``I'm not trying to draft legislation. I'm thinking about what should the law do? I consider the law prohibiting the sharing of copies with your friend the moral equivalent of Jim Crow. It does not deserve respect.''
|
||||
|
||||
The invocation of Jim Crow prompts another question. How much influence or inspiration does Stallman draw from past political leaders? Like the civil-rights movement of the 1950s and 1960s, his attempt to drive social change is based on an appeal to timeless values: freedom, justice, and fair play.
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman divides his attention between my analogy and a particularly tangled strand of hair. When I stretch the analogy to the point where I'm comparing Stallman with Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Stallman, after breaking off a split end and popping it into his mouth, cuts me off.
|
||||
|
||||
``I'm not in his league, but I do play the same game,'' he says, chewing.
|
||||
|
||||
I suggest Malcolm X as another point of comparison. Like the former Nation of Islam spokesperson, Stallman has built up a reputation for courting controversy, alienating potential allies, and preaching a message favoring self-sufficiency over cultural integration.
|
||||
|
||||
Chewing on another split end, Stallman rejects the comparison. ``My message is closer to King's message,'' he says. ``It's a universal message. It's a message of firm condemnation of certain practices that mistreat others. It's not a message of hatred for anyone. And it's not aimed at a narrow group of people. I invite anyone to value freedom and to have freedom.''
|
||||
|
||||
Many criticize Stallman for rejecting handy political alliances; some psychologize this and describe it as a character trait. In the case of his well-publicized distaste for the term ``open source,'' the unwillingness to participate in recent coalition-building projects seems understandable. As a man who has spent the last two decades stumping on the behalf of free software, Stallman's political capital is deeply invested in the term. Still, comments such as the ``Han Solo'' comparison at the 1999 LinuxWorld have only reinforced Stallman's reputation, amongst those who believe virtue consists of following the crowd, as a disgruntled mossback unwilling to roll with political or marketing trends.
|
||||
|
||||
``I admire and respect Richard for all the work he's done,'' says Red Hat president Robert Young, summing up Stallman's paradoxical political conduct. ``My only critique is that sometimes Richard treats his friends worse than his enemies.''
|
||||
|
||||
[RMS: The term ``friends'' only partly fits people such as Young, and companies such as Red Hat. It applies to some of what they did, and do: for instance, Red Hat contributes to development of free software, including some GNU programs. But Red Hat does other things that work against the free software movement's goals -- for instance, its versions of GNU/Linux contain nonfree software. Turning from deeds to words, referring to the whole system as ``Linux'' is unfriendly treatment of the GNU Project, and promoting ``open source'' instead of ``free software'' rejects our values. I could work with Young and Red Hat when we were going in the same direction, but that was not often enough to make them possible allies.]
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman's reluctance to ally the free software movement with other political causes is not due to lack of interest in them. Visit his offices at MIT, and you instantly find a clearinghouse of left-leaning news articles covering civil-rights abuses around the globe. Visit his personal web site, \url{stallman.org}, and you'll find attacks on the Digital Millennium Copyright Act, the War on Drugs, and the World Trade Organization. Stallman explains, ``We have to be careful of entering the free software movement into alliances with other political causes that substantial numbers of free software supporters might not agree with. For instance, we avoid linking the free software movement with any political party because we do not want to drive away the supporters and elected officials of other parties.''
|
||||
|
||||
Given his activist tendencies, I ask, why hasn't Stallman sought a larger voice? Why hasn't he used his visibility in the hacker world as a platform to boost his political voice? [RMS: But I do -- when I see a good opportunity. That's why I started \url{stallman.org}.]
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman lets his tangled hair drop and contemplates the question for a moment. [RMS: My quoted response doesn't fit that question. It does fit a different question, ``Why do you focus on free software rather than on the other causes you believe in?'' I suspect the question I was asked was more like that one.]
|
||||
|
||||
``I hesitate to exaggerate the importance of this little puddle of freedom,'' he says. ``Because the more well-known and conventional areas of working for freedom and a better society are tremendously important. I wouldn't say that free software is as important as they are. It's the responsibility I undertook, because it dropped in my lap and I saw a way I could do something about it. But, for example, to end police brutality, to end the war on drugs, to end the kinds of racism we still have, to help everyone have a comfortable life, to protect the rights of people who do abortions, to protect us from theocracy, these are tremendously important issues, far more important than what I do. I just wish I knew how to do something about them.''
|
||||
|
||||
Once again, Stallman presents his political activity as a function of personal confidence. Given the amount of time it has taken him to develop and hone the free software movement's core tenets, Stallman is hesitant to believe he can advance the other causes he supports.
|
||||
|
||||
``I wish I knew how to make a major difference on those bigger issues, because I would be tremendously proud if I could, but they're very hard and lots of people who are probably better than I am have been working on them and have gotten only so far,'' he says. ``But as I see it, while other people were defending against these big visible threats, I saw another threat that was unguarded. And so I went to defend against that threat. It may not be as big a threat, but I was the only one there [to oppose it].''
|
||||
|
||||
Chewing a final split end, Stallman suggests paying the check. Before the waiter can take it away, however, Stallman pulls out a white-colored dollar bill and throws it on the pile. The bill looks so clearly counterfeit, I can't help but pick it up and read it. Sure enough, it did not come from the US Mint. Instead of bearing the image of a George Washington or Abe Lincoln, the bill's front side bears the image of a cartoon pig. Instead of the United States of America, the banner above the pig reads, ``Untied Status of Avarice.'' The bill is for zero dollars,\endnote{RMS: Williams was mistaken to call this bill ``counterfeit.'' It is legal tender, worth zero dollars for payment of any debt. Any U.S. government office will convert it into zero dollars' worth of gold.} and when the waiter picks up the money, Stallman makes sure to tug on his sleeve.
|
||||
|
||||
``I added an extra zero to your tip,'' Stallman says, yet another half smile creeping across his lips.
|
||||
|
||||
The waiter, uncomprehending or fooled by the look of the bill, smiles and scurries away.
|
||||
|
||||
``I think that means we're free to go,'' Stallman says.
|
||||
|
||||
\theendnotes
|
||||
\setcounter{endnote}{0}
|
123
chap06.tex
Normal file
123
chap06.tex
Normal file
@ -0,0 +1,123 @@
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2002, 2010 Sam Williams
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2010 Richard M. Stallman
|
||||
%% Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this
|
||||
%% document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License,
|
||||
%% Version 1.3 or any later version published by the Free Software
|
||||
%% Foundation; with no Invariant Sections, no Front-Cover Texts, and
|
||||
%% no Back-Cover Texts. A copy of the license is included in the
|
||||
%% file called ``gfdl.tex''.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
\chapter{The Emacs Commune}
|
||||
|
||||
The AI Lab of the 1970s was by all accounts a special place. Cutting-edge projects and top-flight researchers gave it an esteemed position in the world of computer science. The internal hacker culture and its anarchic policies lent a rebellious mystique as well. Only later, when many of the lab's scientists and software superstars had departed, would hackers fully realize the unique and ephemeral world they had once inhabited.
|
||||
|
||||
``It was a bit like the Garden of Eden,'' says Stallman, summing up the lab and its software-sharing ethos in a 1998 \textit{Forbes} article. ``It hadn't occurred to us not to cooperate.''\endnote{See Josh McHugh, ``For the Love of Hacking,'' \textit{Forbes} (August 10, 1998), \url{http://www.forbes.com/forbes/1998/0810/6203094a.html}.}
|
||||
|
||||
Such mythological descriptions, while extreme, underline an important fact. The ninth floor of 545 Tech Square was more than a workplace for many. For hackers such as Stallman, it was home.
|
||||
|
||||
The word ``home'' is a weighted term in the Stallman lexicon. In a pointed swipe at his parents, Stallman, to this day, refuses to acknowledge any home before Currier House, the dorm he lived in during his days at Harvard. He has also been known to describe leaving that home in tragicomic terms. Once, while describing his years at Harvard, Stallman said his only regret was getting kicked out. It wasn't until I asked Stallman what precipitated his ouster, that I realized I had walked into a classic Stallman setup line.
|
||||
|
||||
``At Harvard they have this policy where if you pass too many classes they ask you to leave,'' Stallman says.
|
||||
|
||||
With no dorm and no desire to return to New York, Stallman followed a path blazed by Greenblatt, Gosper, Sussman, and the many other hackers before him. Enrolling at MIT as a grad student, Stallman rented a room in an apartment in nearby Cambridge but soon viewed the AI Lab itself as his de facto home. In a 1986 speech, Stallman recalled his memories of the AI Lab during this period:
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
I may have done a little bit more living at the lab than most people, because every year or two for some reason or other I'd have no apartment and I would spend a few months living at the lab. And I've always found it very comfortable, as well as nice and cool in the summer. But it was not at all uncommon to find people falling asleep at the lab, again because of their enthusiasm; you stay up as long as you possibly can hacking, because you just don't want to stop. And then when you're completely exhausted, you climb over to the nearest soft horizontal surface. A very informal atmosphere.\endnote{See Stallman (1986).}
|
||||
\end{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
The lab's home-like atmosphere could be a problem at times. What some saw as a dorm, others viewed as an electronic opium den. In the 1976 book \textit{Computer Power and Human Reason}, MIT researcher Joseph Weizenbaum offered a withering critique of the ``computer bum,'' Weizenbaum's term for the hackers who populated computer rooms such as the AI Lab. ``Their rumpled clothes, their unwashed hair and unshaved faces, and their uncombed hair all testify that they are oblivious to their bodies and to the world in which they move,'' Weizenbaum wrote. ``[Computer bums] exist, at least when so engaged, only through and for the computers.''\endnote{See Joseph Weizenbaum, \textit{Computer Power and Human Reason: From Judgment to Calculation} (W. H. Freeman, 1976): 116.}
|
||||
|
||||
Almost a quarter century after its publication, Stallman still bristles when hearing Weizenbaum's ``computer bum'' description, discussing it in the present tense as if Weizenbaum himself was still in the room. ``He wants people to be just professionals, doing it for the money and wanting to get away from it and forget about it as soon as possible,'' Stallman says. ``What he sees as a normal state of affairs, I see as a tragedy.''
|
||||
|
||||
Hacker life, however, was not without tragedy. Stallman characterizes his transition from weekend hacker to full-time AI Lab denizen as a series of painful misfortunes that could only be eased through the euphoria of hacking. As Stallman himself has said, the first misfortune was his graduation from Harvard. Eager to continue his studies in physics, Stallman enrolled as a graduate student at MIT. The choice of schools was a natural one. Not only did it give Stallman the chance to follow the footsteps of great MIT alumni: William Shockley ('36), Richard P. Feynman ('39), and Murray Gell-Mann ('51), it also put him two miles closer to the AI Lab and its new PDP-10 computer. ``My attention was going toward programming, but I still thought, well, maybe I can do both,'' Stallman says.
|
||||
|
||||
Toiling in the fields of graduate-level science by day and programming in the monastic confines of the AI Lab by night, Stallman tried to achieve a perfect balance. The fulcrum of this geek teeter-totter was his weekly outing with the Folk-Dance Club, his one social outlet that guaranteed at least a modicum of interaction with the opposite sex. Near the end of that first year at MIT, however, disaster struck. A knee injury forced Stallman to stop dancing. At first, Stallman viewed the injury as a temporary problem; he went to dancing and chatted with friends while listening to the music he loved. By the end of the summer, when the knee still ached and classes reconvened, Stallman began to worry. ``My knee wasn't getting any better,'' Stallman recalls, ``which meant I had to expect to be unable to dance, permanently. I was heartbroken.''
|
||||
|
||||
With no dorm and no dancing, Stallman's social universe imploded. Dancing was the only situation in which he had found success in meeting women and occasionally even dating them. No more dancing ever was painful enough, but it also meant, it seemed, no more dates ever.
|
||||
|
||||
``I felt basically that I'd lost all my energy,'' Stallman recalls. ``I'd lost my energy to do anything but what was most immediately tempting. The energy to do something else was gone. I was in total despair.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman retreated from the world even further, focusing entirely on his work at the AI Lab. By October, 1975, he dropped out of MIT and out of physics, never to return to studies. Software hacking, once a hobby, had become his calling.
|
||||
|
||||
Looking back on that period, Stallman sees the transition from full-time student to full-time hacker as inevitable. Sooner or later, he believes, the siren's call of computer hacking would have overpowered his interest in other professional pursuits. ``With physics and math, I could never figure out a way to contribute,'' says Stallman, recalling his struggles prior to the knee injury. ``I would have been proud to advance either one of those fields, but I could never see a way to do that. I didn't know where to start. With software, I saw right away how to write things that would run and be useful. The pleasure of that knowledge led me to want to do it more.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman wasn't the first to equate hacking with pleasure. Many of the hackers who staffed the AI Lab boasted similar, incomplete academic résumés. Most had come in pursuing degrees in math or electrical engineering only to surrender their academic careers and professional ambitions to the sheer exhilaration that came with solving problems never before addressed. Like St. Thomas Aquinas, the scholastic known for working so long on his theological summae that he sometimes achieved spiritual visions, hackers reached transcendent internal states through sheer mental focus and physical exhaustion. Although Stallman shunned drugs, like most hackers, he enjoyed the ``high'' that came near the end of a 20-hour coding bender.
|
||||
|
||||
Perhaps the most enjoyable emotion, however, was the sense of personal fulfillment. When it came to hacking, Stallman was a natural. A childhood's worth of late-night study sessions gave him the ability to work long hours with little sleep. As a social outcast since age 10, he had little difficulty working alone. And as a mathematician with a built-in gift for logic and foresight, Stallman possessed the ability to circumvent design barriers that left most hackers spinning their wheels.
|
||||
|
||||
``He was special,'' recalls Gerald Sussman, an AI Lab faculty member and (since 1985) board member of the Free Software Foundation. Describing Stallman as a ``clear thinker and a clear designer,'' Sussman invited Stallman to join him in AI research projects in 1973 and 1975, both aimed at making AI programs that could analyze circuits the way human engineers do it. The project required an expert's command of Lisp, a programming language built specifically for AI applications, as well as understanding (supplied by Sussman) of how a human might approach the same task. The 1975 project pioneered an AI technique called dependency-directed backtracking or truth maintenance, which consists of positing tentative assumptions, noticing if they lead to contradictions, and reconsidering the pertinent assumptions if that occurs.
|
||||
|
||||
When he wasn't working on official projects such as these, Stallman devoted his time to pet projects. It was in a hacker's best interest to improve the lab's software infrastructure, and one of Stallman's biggest pet projects during this period was the lab's editor program TECO.
|
||||
|
||||
The story of Stallman's work on TECO during the 1970s is inextricably linked with Stallman's later leadership of the free software movement. It is also a significant stage in the history of computer evolution, so much so that a brief recapitulation of that evolution is necessary. During the 1950s and 1960s, when computers were first appearing at universities, computer programming was an incredibly abstract pursuit. To communicate with the machine, programmers created a series of punch cards, with each card representing an individual software command. Programmers would then hand the cards over to a central system administrator who would then insert them, one by one, into the machine, waiting for the machine to spit out a new set of punch cards, which the programmer would then decipher as output. This process, known as ``batch processing,'' was cumbersome and time consuming. It was also prone to abuses of authority. One of the motivating factors behind hackers' inbred aversion to centralization was the power held by early system operators in dictating which jobs held top priority.
|
||||
|
||||
In 1962, computer scientists and hackers involved in MIT's Project MAC, an early forerunner of the AI Lab, took steps to alleviate this frustration. Time-sharing, originally known as ``time stealing,'' made it possible for multiple programs to take advantage of a machine's operational capabilities. Teletype interfaces also made it possible to communicate with a machine not through a series of punched holes but through actual text. A programmer typed in commands and read the line-by-line output generated by the machine.
|
||||
|
||||
During the late 1960s, interface design made additional leaps. In a famous 1968 lecture, Doug Engelbart, a scientist then working at the Stanford Research Institute, unveiled a prototype of the modern graphical interface. Rigging up a television set to the computer and adding a pointer device which Engelbart dubbed a ``mouse,'' the scientist created a system even more interactive than the time-sharing system developed at MIT. Treating the video display like a high-speed printer, Engelbart's system gave a user the ability to move the cursor around the screen and see the cursor position updated by the computer in real time. The user suddenly had the ability to position text anywhere on the screen.
|
||||
|
||||
Such innovations would take another two decades to make their way into the commercial marketplace. Still, by the 1970s, video screens had started to replace teletypes as display terminals, creating the potential for full-screen -- as opposed to line-by-line -- editing capabilities.
|
||||
|
||||
One of the first programs to take advantage of this full-screen capability was the MIT AI Lab's TECO. Short for Text Editor and COrrector, the program had been upgraded by hackers from an old teletype line editor for the lab's PDP-6 machine.\endnote{According to the \textit{Jargon File}, TECO's name originally stood for Tape Editor and Corrector. See \url{http://www.catb.org/jargon/html/T/TECO.html}.}
|
||||
|
||||
TECO was a substantial improvement over old editors, but it still had its drawbacks. To create and edit a document, a programmer had to enter a series of commands specifying each edit. It was an abstract process. Unlike modern word processors, which update text with each keystroke, TECO demanded that the user enter an extended series of editing instructions followed by an ``end of command string'' sequence just to change the text. Over time, a hacker grew proficient enough to make large changes elegantly in one command string, but as Stallman himself would later point out, the process required ``a mental skill like that of blindfold chess.''\endnote{See Richard Stallman, ``EMACS: The Extensible, Customizable, Display Editor,'' AI Lab Memo (1979). An updated HTML version of this memo, from which I am quoting, is available at \url{http://www.gnu.org/software/emacs/emacs-paper.html}.}
|
||||
|
||||
To facilitate the process, AI Lab hackers had built a system that displayed both the text and the command string on a split screen. Despite this innovative hack, editing with TECO still required skill and planning.
|
||||
|
||||
TECO wasn't the only full-screen editor floating around the computer world at this time. During a visit to the Stanford Artificial Intelligence Lab in 1976, Stallman encountered an edit program named E. The program contained an internal feature, which allowed a user to update display text after each command keystroke. In the language of 1970s programming, E was one of the first rudimentary WYSIWYG editors. Short for ``what you see is what you get,'' WYSIWYG meant that a user could manipulate the file by moving through the displayed text, as opposed to working through a back-end editor program.''\endnote{See Richard Stallman, ``Emacs the Full Screen Editor'' (1987), \url{http://www.lysator.liu.se/history/garb/txt/87-1-emacs.txt}.}
|
||||
|
||||
Impressed by the hack, Stallman looked for ways to expand TECO's functionality in similar fashion upon his return to MIT. He found a TECO feature called Control-R, written by Carl Mikkelson and named after the two-key combination that triggered it. Mikkelson's hack switched TECO from its usual abstract command-execution mode to a more intuitive keystroke-by-keystroke mode. The only flaws were that it used just five lines of the screen and was too inefficient for real use. Stallman reimplemented the feature to use the whole screen efficiently, then
|
||||
extended it in a subtle but significant way. He made it possible to attach TECO command strings, or ``macros,'' to keystrokes. Advanced TECO users already saved macros in files; Stallman's hack made it possible to call them up fast. The result was a user-programmable WYSIWYG editor. ``That was the real breakthrough,'' says Guy Steele, a fellow AI Lab hacker at the time.\endnote{\textit{Ibid.}}
|
||||
|
||||
By Stallman's own recollection, the macro hack touched off an explosion of further innovation. ``Everybody and his brother was writing his own collection of redefined screen-editor commands, a command for everything he typically liked to do,'' Stallman would later recall. ``People would pass them around and improve them, making them more powerful and more general. The collections of redefinitions gradually became system programs in their own right.''\endnote{\textit{Ibid.}}
|
||||
|
||||
So many people found the macro innovations useful and had incorporated it into their own TECO programs that the TECO editor had become secondary to the macro mania it inspired. ``We started to categorize it mentally as a programming language rather than as an editor,'' Stallman says. Users were experiencing their own pleasure tweaking the software and trading new ideas.\endnote{\textit{Ibid.}}
|
||||
|
||||
Two years after the explosion, the rate of innovation began to exhibit inconvenient side effects. The explosive growth had provided an exciting validation of the collaborative hacker approach, but it had also led to incompatibility. ``We had a Tower of Babel effect,'' says Guy Steele.
|
||||
|
||||
The effect threatened to kill the spirit that had created it, Steele says. Hackers had designed ITS to facilitate programmers' ability to share knowledge and improve each other's work. That meant being able to sit down at another programmer's desk, open up a programmer's work and make comments and modifications directly within the software. ``Sometimes the easiest way to show somebody how to program or debug something was simply to sit down at the terminal and do it for them,'' explains Steele.
|
||||
|
||||
The macro feature, after its second year, began to foil this capability. In their eagerness to embrace the new full-screen capabilities, hackers had customized their versions of TECO to the point where a hacker sitting down at another hacker's terminal usually had to spend the first hour just figuring out what macro commands did what.
|
||||
|
||||
Frustrated, Steele took it upon himself to solve the problem. He gathered together the four different macro packages and began assembling a chart documenting the most useful macro commands. In the course of implementing the design specified by the chart, Steele says he attracted Stallman's attention.
|
||||
|
||||
``He started looking over my shoulder, asking me what I was doing,'' recalls Steele.
|
||||
|
||||
For Steele, a soft-spoken hacker who interacted with Stallman infrequently, the memory still sticks out. Looking over another hacker's shoulder while he worked was a common activity at the AI Lab. Stallman, the TECO maintainer at the lab, deemed Steele's work ``interesting'' and quickly set off to complete it.
|
||||
|
||||
``As I like to say, I did the first 0.001 percent of the implementation, and Stallman did the rest,'' says Steele with a laugh.
|
||||
|
||||
The project's new name, Emacs, came courtesy of Stallman. Short for ``editing macros,'' it signified the evolutionary transcendence that had taken place during the macros explosion two years before. It also took advantage of a gap in the software programming lexicon. Noting a lack of programs on ITS starting with the letter ``E,'' Stallman chose Emacs, making it natural to reference the program with a single letter. Once again, the hacker lust for efficiency had left its mark.\endnote{\textit{Ibid.}}
|
||||
|
||||
Of course, not everyone switched to Emacs, or not immediately. Users were free to continue maintaining and running their own TECO-based editors as before. But most found it preferable to switch to Emacs, especially since Emacs was designed to make it easy to replace or add some parts while using others unchanged.
|
||||
|
||||
``On the one hand, we were trying to make a uniform command set again; on the other hand, we wanted to keep it open ended, because the programmability was important,'' recalls Steele.
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman now faced another conundrum: if users made changes but didn't communicate those changes back to the rest of the community, the Tower of Babel effect would simply emerge in other places. Falling back on the hacker doctrine of sharing innovation, Stallman embedded a statement within the source code that set the terms of use. Users were free to modify and redistribute the code on the condition that they gave back all the extensions they made. Stallman called this ``joining the Emacs Commune.'' Just as TECO had become more than a simple editor, Emacs had become more than a simple software program. To Stallman, it was a social contract. In a 1981 memo documenting the project, Stallman spelled out the contract terms. ``EMACS,'' he wrote, ``was distributed on a basis of communal sharing, which means that all improvements must be given back to me to be incorporated and distributed.''\endnote{See Stallman (1979): \#SEC34.}
|
||||
|
||||
The original Emacs ran only on the PDP-10 computer, but soon users of other computers wanted an Emacs to edit with. The explosive innovation continued throughout the decade, resulting in a host of Emacs-like programs with varying degrees of cross-compatibility. The Emacs Commune's rules did not apply to them, since their code was separate. A few cited their relation to Stallman's original Emacs with humorously recursive names: Sine (Sine is not Emacs), Eine (Eine is not Emacs), and Zwei (Zwei was Eine initially). A true Emacs had to provide user-programmability like the original; editors with similar keyword commands but without the user-programmability were called ``ersatz Emacs.'' One example was Mince (Mince is Not Complete Emacs).
|
||||
|
||||
While Stallman was developing Emacs in the AI Lab, there were other, unsettling developments elsewhere in the hacker community. Brian Reid's 1979 decision to embed ``time bombs'' in Scribe, making it possible for Unilogic to limit unpaid user access to the software, was a dark omen to Stallman. ``He considered it the most Nazi thing he ever saw in his life,'' recalls Reid. Despite going on to later Internet fame as the co-creator of the Usenet \textit{alt} hierarchy, Reid says he still has yet to live down that 1979 decision, at least in Stallman's eyes. ``He said that all software should be free and the prospect of charging money for software was a crime against humanity.''\endnote{In a 1996 interview with online magazine \textit{MEME}, Stallman cited Scribe's sale as irksome, but declined to mention Reid by name. ``The problem was nobody censured or punished this student for what he did,'' Stallman said. ``The result was other people got tempted to follow his example.'' See \textit{MEME} 2.04, \url{http://memex.org/meme2-04.html}.}
|
||||
|
||||
Although Stallman had been powerless to head off Reid's sale, he did possess the ability to curtail other forms of behavior deemed contrary to the hacker ethos. As central source-code maintainer for the original Emacs, Stallman began to wield his power for political effect. During his final stages of conflict with the administrators at the Laboratory for Computer Science over password systems, Stallman initiated a software ``strike,'' refusing to send lab members the latest version of Emacs until they rejected the security system on the lab's computers.\endnote{See Steven Levy, \textit{Hackers} (Penguin USA [paperback], 1984): 419.} This was more gesture than sanction, since nothing could stop them from installing it themselves. But it got the point across: putting passwords on an ITS system would lead to condemnation and reaction.
|
||||
|
||||
``A lot of people were angry with me, saying I was trying to hold them hostage or blackmail them, which in a sense I was,'' Stallman would later tell author Steven Levy. ``I was engaging in violence against them because I thought they were engaging in violence to everyone at large.''\endnote{\textit{Ibid.}}
|
||||
|
||||
Over time, Emacs became a sales tool for the hacker ethic. The flexibility Stallman had built into the software not only encouraged collaboration, it demanded it. Users who didn't keep abreast of the latest developments in Emacs evolution or didn't contribute their contributions back to Stallman ran the risk of missing out on the latest breakthroughs. And the breakthroughs were many. Twenty years later, users of GNU Emacs (a second implementation started in 1984) have modified it for so many different uses -- using it as a spreadsheet, calculator, database, and web browser -- that later Emacs developers adopted an overflowing sink to represent its versatile functionality. ``That's the idea that we wanted to convey,'' says Stallman. ``The amount of stuff it has contained within it is both wonderful and awful at the same time.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman's AI Lab contemporaries are more charitable. Hal Abelson, an MIT grad student who worked with Sussman during the 1970s and would later assist Stallman as a charter board member of the Free Software Foundation, describes Emacs as ``an absolutely brilliant creation.'' In giving programmers a way to add new software libraries and features without messing up the system, Abelson says, Stallman paved the way for future large-scale collaborative software projects. ``Its structure was robust enough that you'd have people all over the world who were loosely collaborating [and] contributing to it,'' Abelson says. ``I don't know if that had been done before.''\endnote{In writing this chapter, I've elected to focus more on the social significance of Emacs than the software significance. To read more about the software side, I recommend Stallman's 1979 memo. I particularly recommend the section titled ``Research Through Development of Installed Tools'' (\#SEC27). Not only is it accessible to the nontechnical reader, it also sheds light on how closely intertwined Stallman's political philosophies are with his software-design philosophies. A sample excerpt follows:
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
EMACS could not have been reached by a process of careful design, because such processes arrive only at goals which are visible at the outset, and whose desirability is established on the bottom line at the outset. Neither I nor anyone else visualized an extensible editor until I had made one, nor appreciated its value until he had experienced it. EMACS exists because I felt free to make individually useful small improvements on a path whose end was not in sight.
|
||||
\end{quote}}
|
||||
|
||||
Guy Steele expresses similar admiration. Currently a research scientist for Sun Microsystems, he remembers Stallman primarily as a ``brilliant programmer with the ability to generate large quantities of relatively bug-free code.'' Although their personalities didn't exactly mesh, Steele and Stallman collaborated long enough for Steele to get a glimpse of Stallman's intense coding style. He recalls a notable episode in the late 1970s when the two programmers banded together to write the editor's ``pretty print'' feature. Originally conceived by Steele, pretty print was another keystroke-triggered feature that reformatted Emacs' source code so that it was both more readable and took up less space, further bolstering the program's WYSIWYG qualities. The feature was strategic enough to attract Stallman's active interest, and it wasn't long before Steele wrote that he and Stallman were planning an improved version.
|
||||
|
||||
``We sat down one morning,'' recalls Steele. ``I was at the keyboard, and he was at my elbow,'' says Steele. ``He was perfectly willing to let me type, but he was also telling me what to type.
|
||||
|
||||
The programming session lasted 10 hours. Throughout that entire time, Steele says, neither he nor Stallman took a break or made any small talk. By the end of the session, they had managed to hack the pretty print source code to just under 100 lines. ``My fingers were on the keyboard the whole time,'' Steele recalls, ``but it felt like both of our ideas were flowing onto the screen. He told me what to type, and I typed it.''
|
||||
|
||||
The length of the session revealed itself when Steele finally left the AI Lab. Standing outside the building at 545 Tech Square, he was surprised to find himself surrounded by nighttime darkness. As a programmer, Steele was used to marathon coding sessions. Still, something about this session was different. Working with Stallman had forced Steele to block out all external stimuli and focus his entire mental energies on the task at hand. Looking back, Steele says he found the Stallman mind-meld both exhilarating and scary at the same time. ``My first thought afterward was [that] it was a great experience, very intense, and that I never wanted to do it again in my life.''
|
||||
|
||||
\theendnotes
|
||||
\setcounter{endnote}{0}
|
184
chap07.tex
Normal file
184
chap07.tex
Normal file
@ -0,0 +1,184 @@
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2002, 2010 Sam Williams
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2010 Richard M. Stallman
|
||||
%% Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this
|
||||
%% document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License,
|
||||
%% Version 1.3 or any later version published by the Free Software
|
||||
%% Foundation; with no Invariant Sections, no Front-Cover Texts, and
|
||||
%% no Back-Cover Texts. A copy of the license is included in the
|
||||
%% file called ``gfdl.tex''.
|
||||
|
||||
|
||||
\chapter{A Stark Moral Choice}
|
||||
|
||||
On September 27, 1983, computer programmers logging on to the Usenet newsgroup net.unix-wizards encountered an unusual message. Posted in the small hours of the morning, 12:30 a.m. to be exact, and signed by \url{rms@mit-oz}, the message's subject line was terse but attention-grabbing. ``New UNIX implementation,'' it read. Instead of introducing a newly released version of Unix, however, the message's opening paragraph issued a call to arms:
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
Starting this Thanksgiving I am going to write a complete Unix-compatible software system called GNU (for Gnu's Not Unix), and give it away free to everyone who can use it. Contributions of time, money, programs and equipment are greatly needed.\endnote{See Richard Stallman, ``Initial GNU Announcement'' (September 1983).}
|
||||
\end{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
To an experienced Unix developer, the message was a mixture of idealism and hubris. Not only did the author pledge to rebuild the already mature Unix operating system from the ground up, he also proposed to improve it in places. The new GNU system, the author predicted, would carry all the usual components -- a text editor, a shell program to run Unix-compatible applications, a compiler, ``and a few other things.''\endnote{\textit{Ibid.}} It would also contain many enticing features that other Unix systems didn't yet offer: a graphic user interface based on the Lisp programming language, a crash-proof file system, and networking protocols built according to MIT's internal networking system.
|
||||
|
||||
``GNU will be able to run Unix programs, but will not be identical to Unix,'' the author wrote. ``We will make all improvements that are convenient, based on our experience with other operating systems.''
|
||||
|
||||
Anticipating a skeptical response on some readers' part, the author made sure to follow up his operating-system outline with a brief biographical sketch titled, ``Who am I?'':
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
I am Richard Stallman, inventor of the original much-imitated EMACS editor, now at the Artificial Intelligence Lab at MIT. I have worked extensively on compilers, editors, debuggers, command interpreters, the Incompatible Timesharing System and the Lisp Machine operating system. I pioneered terminal-independent display support in ITS. In addition I have implemented one crashproof file system and two window systems for Lisp machines.\endnote{\textit{Ibid.}}
|
||||
\end{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
As fate would have it, Stallman's fanciful GNU Project missed its Thanksgiving launch date. By January, 1984, however, Stallman made good on his promise and fully immersed himself in the world of Unix software development. For a software architect raised on ITS, it was like designing suburban shopping malls instead of Moorish palaces. Even so, building a Unix-like operating system had its hidden advantages. ITS had been powerful, but it also possessed an Achilles' heel: MIT hackers had written it specifically to run on the powerful DEC-built PDP-10 computer. When AI Lab administrators elected to phase out the lab's PDP-10 machine in the early 1980s, the operating system that hackers once likened to a vibrant city became an instant ghost town. Unix, on the other hand, was designed for portability, which made it immune to such dangers. Originally developed by junior scientists at AT\&T, the program had slipped out under corporate-management radar, finding a happy home in the cash-strapped world of academic computer systems. With fewer resources than their MIT brethren, Unix developers had customized the software to ride atop a motley assortment of hardware systems, primarily the 16-bit PDP-11 -- a machine considered fit for only small tasks by most AI Lab hackers -- but later also 32-bit mainframes such as the VAX 11/780. By 1983, a few companies, most notably Sun Microsystems, were developing a more powerful generation of desktop computers, dubbed ``workstations,'' to take advantage of that increasingly ubiquitous operating system on machines comparable in power to the much older PDP-10.
|
||||
|
||||
To facilitate portability, the developers of Unix had put an extra layer of abstraction between the software and the machine. Rather than writing it in the instructions of a specific machine type -- as the AI Lab hackers had done with ITS and the PDP-10 -- Unix developers wrote in a high-level language, called C. Focusing more on the interlocking interfaces and specifications that held the operating system's many subcomponents together, rather than the actual components themselves, they created a system that could be quickly modified to run on any machine. If a user disliked a certain component, the interface specifications made it possible to pull out an individual subcomponent and either fix it or replace it with something better. Simply put, the Unix approach promoted flexibility and economy, hence its rapid adoption.\endnote{See Marshall Kirk McKusick, ``Twenty Years of Berkeley Unix,'' \textit{Open Sources} (O'Reilly \& Associates, Inc., 1999): 38.}
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman's decision to start developing the GNU system was triggered by the end of the ITS system that the AI Lab hackers had nurtured for so long. The demise of ITS, and the AI Lab hacker community which had sustained it, had been a traumatic blow to Stallman. If the Xerox laser printer episode had taught him to recognize the injustice of proprietary software, the community's death forced him to choose between surrendering to proprietary software and opposing it.
|
||||
|
||||
Like the software code that composed it, the roots of ITS' demise stretched way back. By 1980, most of the lab's hackers were working on developing the Lisp Machine and its operating system.
|
||||
|
||||
Created by artificial-intelligence research pioneer John McCarthy, a MIT artificial-intelligence researcher during the late 1950s, Lisp is an elegant language, well-suited for writing complex programs to operate on data with irregular structure. The language's name is a shortened version of LISt Processing. Following McCarthy's departure to the Stanford Artificial Intelligence Laboratory, MIT hackers refined the language into a local dialect dubbed MACLISP. The ``MAC'' stood for Project MAC, the DARPA-funded research project that gave birth to the AI Lab and the Laboratory for Computer Science. Led by AI Lab arch-hacker Richard Greenblatt, the AI Lab hackers during the late 1970s designed a computer specialized for running Lisp efficiently and conveniently, the Lisp Machine, then developed an entire Lisp-based operating system for it.
|
||||
|
||||
By 1980, two rival groups of hackers had formed two companies to manufacture and sell copies of the Lisp Machine. Greenblatt started Lisp Machines Incorporated. He planned to avoid outside investment and make a ``hacker company.'' Most of the hackers joined Symbolics, a conventional startup. In 1982 they entirely ceased to work at MIT.
|
||||
|
||||
With few hackers left to mind the shop, programs and machines took longer to fix -- or were not fixed at all. Even worse, Stallman says, the lab began to undergo a ``demographic change.'' The hackers who had once formed a vocal minority within the AI Lab were almost gone while ``the professors and the students who didn't really love the [PDP-10] were just as numerous as before.''\endnote{See Richard Stallman (1986).}
|
||||
|
||||
In 1982, the AI Lab received the replacement for its main computer, the PDP-10, which was over 12 years old. Digital's current model, the Decsystem 20, was compatible for user programs but would have required a drastic rewrite or ``port'' of ITS if hackers wanted to continue running the same operating system. Fearful that the lab had lost its critical mass of in-house programming talent, AI Lab faculty members pressed for Twenex, a commercial operating system developed by Digital. Outnumbered, the hackers had no choice but to comply.
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{figure}[ht] \centering
|
||||
\includegraphics{KL10_1979}
|
||||
\caption{PDP-10 processor with KL-10 (a PDP-10 similar to that of the AI Lab), Stanford Artificial Intelligence Laboratory, 1979.}
|
||||
\end{figure}
|
||||
|
||||
``Without hackers to maintain the system, [faculty members] said, `We're going to have a disaster; we must have commercial software,'\hspace{0.01in}'' Stallman would recall a few years later. ``They said, `We can expect the company to maintain it.' It proved that they were utterly wrong, but that's what they did.''\endnote{\textit{Ibid.}}
|
||||
|
||||
At first, hackers viewed the Twenex system as yet another authoritarian symbol begging to be subverted. The system's name itself was a protest. Officially dubbed TOPS-20 by DEC, it was named as a successor to TOPS-10, a proprietary operating system DEC distributed for the PDP-10. But TOPS-20 was not based on TOPS-10. It was derived from the Tenex system which Bolt Beranek Newman had developed for the PDP-10.\endnote{Multiple sources: see Richard Stallman interview, Gerald Sussman email, and \textit{Jargon File 3.0.0} at \url{http://catb.org/jargon/html/T/TWENEX.html}.} Stallman, the hacker who coined the Twenex term, says he came up with the name as a way to avoid using the TOPS-20 name. ``The system was far from tops, so there was no way I was going to call it that,'' Stallman recalls. ``So I decided to insert a `w' in the Tenex name and call it Twenex.''
|
||||
|
||||
The machine that ran the Twenex/TOPS-20 system had its own derisive nickname: Oz. According to one hacker legend, the machine got its nickname because it required a smaller PDP-11 machine to power its terminal. One hacker, upon viewing the KL-10-PDP-11 setup for the first time, likened it to the wizard's bombastic onscreen introduction in the Wizard of Oz. ``I am the great and powerful Oz,'' the hacker intoned. ``Pay no attention to the PDP-11 behind that console.''\endnote{See \url{http://www.as.cmu.edu/~geek/humor/See_Figure_1.txt}.}
|
||||
|
||||
If hackers laughed when they first encountered the KL-10, their laughter quickly died when they encountered Twenex. Not only did Twenex boast built-in security, but the system's software engineers had designed the tools and applications with the security system in mind. What once had been a cat-and-mouse game over passwords in the case of the Laboratory for Computer Science's security system, now became an out-and-out battle over system management. System administrators argued that without security, the Oz system was more prone to accidental crashes. Hackers argued that crashes could be better prevented by overhauling the source code. Unfortunately, the number of hackers with the time and inclination to perform this sort of overhaul had dwindled to the point that the system-administrator argument prevailed.
|
||||
|
||||
The initial policy was that any lab member could have the ``wheel privilege'' to bypass security restrictions. But anyone who had the ``wheel privilege'' could take it away from anyone else, who would then be powerless to restore it. This state of affairs tempted a small group of hackers to try to seize total control by canceling the ``wheel privilege'' for all but themselves.
|
||||
|
||||
Cadging passwords, and applying the debugger during startup, Stallman successfully foiled these attempts. After the second foiled ``\textit{coup d'état},'' Stallman issued an alert to all the AI Lab personnel.\endnote{See Richard Stallman (1986).}
|
||||
|
||||
``There has been another attempt to seize power,'' Stallman wrote. ``So far, the aristocratic forces have been defeated.'' To protect his identity, Stallman signed the message ``Radio Free OZ.''
|
||||
|
||||
The disguise was a thin one at best. By 1982, Stallman's aversion to passwords and secrecy had become so well known that users outside the AI Laboratory were using his account from around the ARPAnet -- the research-funded computer network that would serve as a foundation for today's Internet. One such ``tourist'' during the early 1980s was Don Hopkins, a California programmer who learned through the hacking grapevine that all an outsider needed to do to gain access to MIT's vaunted ITS system was to log in under the initials RMS and enter the same three-letter monogram when the system requested a password.
|
||||
|
||||
``I'm eternally grateful that MIT let me and many other people use their computers for free,'' says Hopkins. ``It meant a lot to many people.''
|
||||
|
||||
This so-called ``tourist'' policy, which had been openly tolerated by MIT management during the ITS years,\endnote{See ``MIT AI Lab Tourist Policy,'' \url{http://www.art.net/~hopkins/Don/text/tourist-policy.html}.} fell by the wayside when Oz became the lab's primary link to the ARPAnet. At first, Stallman continued his policy of repeating his login ID as a password so outside users could have access through his account. Over time, however, Oz's fragility prompted administrators to bar outsiders who, through sheer accident or malicious intent, might bring down the system. When those same administrators eventually demanded that Stallman stop publishing his password, Stallman, citing personal ethics, instead ceased using the Oz system altogether.\endnote{See Richard Stallman (1986).}
|
||||
|
||||
``[When] passwords first appeared at the MIT AI Lab I [decided] to follow my belief that there should be no passwords,'' Stallman would later say. ``Because I don't believe that it's really desirable to have security on a computer, I shouldn't be willing to help uphold the security regime.''\endnote{\textit{Ibid.}}
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman's refusal to bow before the great and powerful Oz symbolized the growing tension between hackers and AI Lab management during the early 1980s. This tension paled in comparison to the conflict that raged within the hacker community itself. By the time the Decsystem 20 arrived, the hacker community was divided into two camps, LMI and Symbolics.
|
||||
|
||||
Symbolics, with its outside investment, recruited various AI Lab hackers and set some of them working on improving parts of the Lisp Machine operating system outside the auspices of the AI Lab. By the end of 1980, the company had hired 14 AI Lab staffers as part-time consultants to develop its version of the Lisp Machine. The remaining few, apart from Stallman, worked for LMI.\endnote{See Steve Levy, \textit{Hackers}, page 423.} Stallman, preferring the unpressured life at the AI Lab and not wishing to take a side, chose to join neither company.
|
||||
|
||||
At first, the other hackers continued spending some of their time at MIT, and contributed to MIT's Lisp Machine operating system. Both LMI and Symbolics had licensed this code from MIT. The license required them to return their changes to MIT, but did not require them to let MIT redistribute these changes. However, through 1981 they adhered to a gentleman's agreement to permit that, so all their system improvements were included in the MIT version and thus shared with all Lisp Machine users. This situation allowed those still at MIT to remain neutral.
|
||||
|
||||
On March 16, 1982, a date Stallman remembers well because it was his birthday, Symbolics executives ended the gentleman's agreement. The motive was to attack LMI. LMI had fewer hackers, and fewer staff in general, so the Symbolics executives thought that LMI was getting the main benefit of sharing the system improvements. By ending the sharing of system code, they hoped to wipe out LMI. So they decided to enforce the letter of the license. Instead of contributing their improvements to the MIT version of the system, which LMI could use, they provided MIT with a copy of the Symbolics version of the system for users at MIT to run. Anyone using it would provide the service of testing only to Symbolics, and if he made improvements, most likely they too would only be useful for Symbolics.
|
||||
|
||||
As the person responsible (with help from Greenblatt for the first couple of months) for keeping up the lab's Lisp Machine system, Stallman was incensed. The Symbolics hackers had left the system code with hundreds of half-made changes that caused errors. Viewing this announcement as an ``ultimatum,'' he retaliated by disconnecting Symbolics' microwave communications link to the laboratory. He then vowed never to work on a Symbolics machine, and pledged to continue the development of MIT's system so as to defend LMI from Symbolics. ``The way I saw it, the AI Lab was a neutral country, like Belgium in World War II,'' Stallman says. ``If Germany invades Belgium, Belgium declares war on Germany and sides with Britain and France.''
|
||||
|
||||
When Symbolics executives noticed that their latest features were still appearing in the MIT Lisp Machine system and, by extension, the LMI Lisp machine, they were not pleased. Stallman knew what copyright law required, and was rewriting the features from scratch. He took advantage of the opportunity to read the source code Symbolics supplied to MIT, so as to understand the problems and fixes, and then made sure to write his changes in a totally different way. But the Symbolics executives didn't believe this. They installed a ``spy'' program on Stallman's computer terminal looking for evidence against him. However, when they took their case to MIT administration, around the start of 1983, they had little evidence to present: a dozen places in the sources where both versions had been changed and appeared similar.
|
||||
|
||||
When the AI Lab administrators showed Stallman Symbolics' supposed evidence, he refuted it, showing that the similarities were actually held over from before the fork. Then he turned the logic around: if, after the thousands of lines he had written, Symbolics could produce no better evidence than this, it demonstrated that Stallman's diligent efforts to avoid copying were effective. The AI Lab approved Stallman's work, which he continued till the end of 1983.\endnote{\textit{The Brain Makers} by H. P. Newquist says inaccurately that the AI Lab told Stallman to stay away from the Lisp Machine project.}
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman did make a change in his practices, though. ``Just to be ultra safe, I no longer read their source code [for new features and major changes]. I used only the documentation and wrote the code from that.'' For the biggest new features, rather than wait for Symbolics to release documentation, he designed them on his own; later, when the Symbolics documentation appeared, he added compatibility with Symbolics' interface for the feature. Then he read Symbolics' source code changes to find minor bugs they had fixed, and fixed each of them differently.
|
||||
|
||||
The experience solidified Stallman's resolve. As Stallman designed replacements for Symbolics' new features, he also enlisted members of the AI Lab to keep using the MIT system, so as to provide a continuous stream of bug reports. MIT continued giving LMI direct access to the changes. ``I was going to punish Symbolics if it was the last thing I did,'' Stallman says. Such statements are revealing. Not only do they shed light on Stallman's nonpacifist nature, they also reflect the intense level of emotion triggered by the conflict.
|
||||
|
||||
The level of despair owed much to what Stallman viewed as the ``destruction'' of his ``home'' -- i.e., the demise of the AI Lab's close-knit hacker subculture. In a later email interview with Levy, Stallman would liken himself to the historical figure Ishi, the last surviving member of the Yahi, a Pacific Northwest tribe wiped out during the Indian wars of the 1860s and 1870s. The analogy casts Stallman's survival in epic, almost mythical, terms.\endnote{Steven Levy in \textit{Hackers} had this period in mind when he described Stallman as the ``last of the true hackers,'' but his intended meaning was not what you might think. Levy used the term ``true hackers'' to distinguish the MIT hacker community from two other hacker communities described later in the book, to which he gave other names. When this community had dissolved, leaving only Stallman, he therefore became the last of the ``true hackers.'' Levy did not mean that nobody else was truly a hacker, but people tend to interpret his words that way, especially those who see them without reading the explanations in Levy's book. Stallman has never described himself using those words of Levy's.} The hackers
|
||||
who worked for Symbolics saw it differently. Instead of seeing Symbolics as an exterminating force, many of Stallman's colleagues saw it as a belated bid for relevance. In commercializing the Lisp Machine, the company pushed hacker principles of engineer-driven software design out of the ivory-tower confines of the AI Lab and into the corporate marketplace where manager-driven design principles held sway. Rather than viewing Stallman as a holdout, many hackers saw him as the representative of an obsolete practice.
|
||||
|
||||
Personal hostilities also affected the situation. Even before Symbolics hired away most of the AI Lab's hacker staff, Stallman says many of the hackers who later joined Symbolics were shunning him. ``I was no longer getting invited to go to Chinatown,'' Stallman recalls. ``The custom started by Greenblatt was that if you went out to dinner, you went around or sent a message asking anybody at the lab if they also wanted to go. Sometime around 1980-1981, I stopped getting asked. They were not only not inviting me, but one person later confessed that he had been pressured to lie to me to keep their going away to dinner without me a secret.''
|
||||
|
||||
Although Stallman felt hurt by this petty form of ostracism, there was nothing to be done about it. The Symbolics ultimatum changed the matter from a personal rejection to a broader injustice. When Symbolics excluded its source changes from redistribution, as a means to defeat its rival, Stallman determined to thwart Symbolics' goal. By holing up in his MIT offices and writing equivalents for each new software feature and fix, he gave users of the MIT system, including LMI customers, access to the same features as Symbolics users.
|
||||
|
||||
It also guaranteed Stallman's legendary status within the hacker community. Already renowned for his work with Emacs, Stallman's ability to match the output of an entire team of Symbolics programmers -- a team that included more than a few legendary hackers itself -- still stands as one of the major human accomplishments of the Information Age, or of any age for that matter. Dubbing it a ``master hack'' and Stallman himself a ``virtual John Henry of computer code,'' author Steven Levy notes that many of his Symbolics-employed rivals had no choice but to pay their idealistic former comrade grudging respect. Levy quotes Bill Gosper, a hacker who eventually went to work for Symbolics in the company's Palo Alto office, expressing amazement over Stallman's output during this period:
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
I can see something Stallman wrote, and I might decide it was bad (probably not, but somebody could convince me it was bad), and I would still say, ``But wait a minute -- Stallman doesn't have anybody to argue with all night over there. He's working alone! It's incredible anyone could do this alone!''\endnote{See Steven Levy, \textit{Hackers} (Penguin USA [paperback], 1984): 426}
|
||||
\end{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
For Stallman, the months spent playing catch up with Symbolics evoke a mixture of pride and profound sadness. As a dyed-in-the-wool liberal whose father had served in World War II, Stallman is no pacifist. In many ways, the Symbolics war offered the rite of passage toward which Stallman had been careening ever since joining the AI Lab staff a decade before. At the same time, however, it coincided with the traumatic destruction of the AI Lab hacker culture that had nurtured Stallman since his teenage years. One day, while taking a break from writing code, Stallman experienced a traumatic moment passing through the lab's equipment room. There, Stallman encountered the hulking, unused frame of the PDP-10 machine. Startled by the dormant lights, lights that once actively blinked out a silent code indicating the status of the internal program, Stallman says the emotional impact was not unlike coming across a beloved family member's well-preserved corpse.
|
||||
|
||||
``I started crying right there in the machine room,'' he says. ``Seeing the machine there, dead, with nobody left to fix it, it all drove home how completely my community had been destroyed.''
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman would have little opportunity to mourn. The Lisp Machine, despite all the furor it invoked and all the labor that had gone into making it, was merely a sideshow to the large battles in the technology marketplace. The relentless pace of computer miniaturization was bringing in newer, more powerful microprocessors that would soon incorporate the machine's hardware and software capabilities like a modern metropolis swallowing up an ancient desert village.
|
||||
|
||||
Riding atop this microprocessor wave were hundreds -- thousands -- of proprietary software programs, each protected by a patchwork of user licenses and nondisclosure agreements that made it impossible for hackers to review or share source code. The licenses were crude and ill-fitting, but by 1983 they had become strong enough to satisfy the courts and scare away would-be interlopers. Software, once a form of garnish most hardware companies gave away to make their expensive computer systems more flavorful, was quickly becoming the main dish. In their increasing hunger for new games and features, users were putting aside the traditional demand to review the recipe after every meal.
|
||||
|
||||
Nowhere was this state of affairs more evident than in the realm of personal computer systems. Companies such as Apple Computer and Commodore were minting fresh millionaires selling machines with built-in operating systems. Unaware of the hacker culture and its distaste for binary-only software, many of these users saw little need to protest when these companies failed to attach the accompanying source-code files. A few anarchic adherents of the hacker ethic helped propel that ethic into this new marketplace, but for the most part, the marketplace rewarded the programmers speedy enough to write new programs and savvy enough to write End User License Agreements to lock them up tight.
|
||||
|
||||
One of the most notorious of these programmers was Bill Gates, a Harvard dropout two years Stallman's junior. Although Stallman didn't know it at the time, seven years before sending out his message to thenet.unix-wizards newsgroup, Gates, a budding entrepreneur and general partner with the Albuquerque-based software firm Micro-Soft, later spelled as Microsoft, had sent out his own open letter to the software-developer community. Written in response to the PC users copying Micro-Soft's software programs, Gates' ``Open Letter to Hobbyists'' had excoriated the notion of communal software development.
|
||||
|
||||
``Who can afford to do professional work for nothing?'' asked Gates. ``What hobbyist can put three man-years into programming, finding all bugs, documenting his product, and distributing it for free?''\endnote{See Bill Gates, ``An Open Letter to Hobbyists'' (February 3, 1976). To view an online copy of this letter, go to \url{http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Open_Letter_to_Hobbyists}.}
|
||||
|
||||
Although few hackers at the AI Lab saw the missive, Gates' 1976 letter nevertheless represented the changing attitude toward software both among commercial software companies and commercial software developers. Why treat software as a zero-cost commodity when the market said otherwise? As the 1970s gave way to the 1980s, selling software became more than a way to recoup costs; it became a political statement. At a time when the Reagan Administration was rushing to dismantle many of the federal regulations and spending programs that had been built up during the half century following the Great Depression, more than a few software programmers saw the hacker ethic as anticompetitive and, by extension, un-American. At best, it was a throwback to the anticorporate attitudes of the late 1960s and early 1970s. Like a Wall Street banker discovering an old tie-dyed shirt hiding between French-cuffed shirts and double-breasted suits, many computer programmers treated the hacker ethic as an embarrassing reminder of an idealistic age.
|
||||
|
||||
For a man who had spent the entire 1960s as a throwback to the 1950s, Stallman didn't mind living out of step with his peers. As a programmer used to working with the best machines and the best software, however, Stallman faced what he could only describe as a ``stark moral choice'': either swallow his ethical objection for ``proprietary'' software -- the term Stallman and his fellow hackers used to describe any program that carried copyright terms or an end-user license that restricted copying and modification -- or dedicate his life to building an alternate, nonproprietary system of software programs. After his two-year battle with Symbolics, Stallman felt confident enough to undertake the latter option. ``I suppose I could have stopped working on computers altogether,'' Stallman says. ``I had no special skills, but I'm sure I could have become a waiter. Not at a fancy restaurant, probably, but I could've been a waiter somewhere.''
|
||||
|
||||
Being a waiter -- i.e., dropping out of programming altogether -- would have meant completely giving up an activity, computer programming, that had given him so much pleasure. Looking back on his life since moving to Cambridge, Stallman finds it easy to identify lengthy periods when software programming provided the only pleasure. Rather than drop out, Stallman decided to stick it out.
|
||||
|
||||
An Atheist, Stallman rejects notions such as fate, karma, or a divine calling in life. Nevertheless, he does feel that the decision to shun proprietary software and build an operating system to help others do the same was a natural one. After all, it was Stallman's own personal combination of stubbornness, foresight, and coding virtuosity that led him to consider a fork in the road most others didn't know existed. In his article, ``The GNU Project,'' Stallman affirms agreement with the ideals encapsulated in the words of the Jewish sage Hillel:
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
If I am not for myself, who will be for me? If I am only for myself, what am I? If not now, when?\endnote{See \url{http://www.gnu.org/gnu/the-gnu-project.html}. Stallman adds his own footnote to this statement, writing, ``As an Atheist, I don't follow any religious leaders, but I sometimes find I admire something one of them has said.''}
|
||||
\end{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
Speaking to audiences, Stallman avoids the religious route and expresses the decision in pragmatic terms. ``I asked myself: what could I, an operating-system developer, do to improve the situation? It wasn't until I examined the question for a while that I realized an operating-system developer was exactly what was needed to solve the problem.''
|
||||
|
||||
Once he recognized that, Stallman says, everything else ``fell into place.'' In 1983, MIT was acquiring second-generation Lisp Machines from Symbolics, on which the MIT Lisp Machine system could not possibly run. Once most of the MIT machines were replaced, he would be unable to continue maintaining that system effectively for lack of users' bug reports. He would have to stop. But he also wanted to stop. The MIT Lisp Machine system was not free software: even though users could get the source code, they could not redistribute it freely. Meanwhile, the goal of continuing the MIT system had already been achieved: LMI had survived and was developing software on its own.
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman didn't want to spend his whole life punishing those who had destroyed his old community. He wanted to build a new one. He decided to denounce software that would require him to compromise his ethical beliefs, and devote his life to the creation of programs that would make it easier for him and others to escape from it. Pledging to build a free software operating system ``or die trying -- of old age, of course,'' Stallman quips, he resigned from the MIT staff in January, 1984, to build GNU.
|
||||
|
||||
The resignation distanced Stallman's work from the legal auspices of MIT. Still, Stallman had enough friends and allies within the AI Lab to continue using the facilities, and later his own office. He also had the ability to secure outside consulting gigs to underwrite the early stages of the GNU Project. In resigning from MIT, however, Stallman negated any debate about conflict of interest or Institute ownership of the software. The man whose early adulthood fear of social isolation had driven him deeper and deeper into the AI Lab's embrace was now building a legal firewall between himself and that environment.
|
||||
|
||||
For the first few months, Stallman operated in isolation from the Unix community as well. Although his announcement to the net.unix-wizards group had attracted sympathetic responses, few volunteers signed on to join the crusade in its early stages.
|
||||
|
||||
``The community reaction was pretty much uniform,'' recalls Rich Morin, leader of a Unix user group at the time. ``People said, `Oh, that's a great idea. Show us your code. Show us it can be done.'\hspace{0.01in}''
|
||||
|
||||
Aware that the job was enormous, Stallman decided to try to reuse existing free software wherever possible. So he began looking for existing free programs and tools that could be converted into GNU programs and tools. One of the first candidates was a compiler named VUCK, which converted programs written in the popular C programming language into machine-runnable code. Translated from the Dutch, the program's acronym stood for the Free University Compiler Kit. Optimistic, Stallman asked the program's author if the program was free. When the author informed him that the words ``Free University'' were a reference to the Vrije Universiteit in Amsterdam, and that the program was not free, Stallman was chagrined.
|
||||
|
||||
``He responded derisively, stating that the university was free but the compiler was not,'' recalls Stallman. He had not only refused to help -- he suggested Stallman drop his plan to develop GNU, and instead write some add-ons to boost sales of VUCK, in return for a share of the profits. ``I therefore decided that my first program for the GNU Project would be a multi-language, multi-platform compiler.''\endnote{See Richard Stallman, ``The GNU Operating System and the Free Software Movement,'' \textit{Open Sources} (O'Reilly \& Associates, Inc., 1999): 65.}
|
||||
|
||||
Instead of VUCK, Stallman found the Pastel compiler (``off-color Pascal''), written by programmers at Lawrence Livermore National Lab. According to what they said when they gave him a copy, the compiler was free to copy and modify. Unfortunately, the program was unsuitable for the job, because its memory requirements were enormous. It parsed the entire input file in core memory, then retained all the internal data until it finished compiling the file. On mainframe systems this design had been forgivable. On Unix systems it was a crippling barrier, since even 32-bit machines that ran Unix were often unable to provide so much memory to a program. Stallman made substantial progress at first, building a C-compatible frontend to the compiler and testing it on the larger Vax, whose system could handle large memory spaces. When he tried porting the system to the 68010, and investigated why it crashed, he discovered the memory size problem, and concluded he would have to build a totally new compiler from scratch. Stallman eventually did this, producing the GNU C Compiler or GCC. But it was not clear in 1984 what to do about the compiler, so he decided to let those plans gel while turning his attention to other parts of GNU.
|
||||
|
||||
In September of 1984, thus, Stallman began development of a GNU version of Emacs, the replacement for the program he had been supervising for a decade. Within the Unix community, the two native editor programs were vi, written by Sun Microsystems cofounder Bill Joy, and ed, written by Bell Labs scientist (and Unix cocreator) Ken Thompson. Both were useful and popular, but neither offered the endlessly expandable nature of Emacs.
|
||||
|
||||
Looking back, Stallman says he didn't view the decision in strategic terms. ``I wanted an Emacs, and I had a good opportunity to develop one.''
|
||||
|
||||
Once again, Stallman had found existing code with which he hoped to save time. In writing a Unix version of Emacs, Stallman was soon following the footsteps of Carnegie Mellon graduate student James Gosling, author of a C-based version dubbed Gosling Emacs or Gosmacs. Gosling's version of Emacs included an interpreter for a simplified offshoot of the Lisp language, called Mocklisp. Although Gosling had put Gosmacs under copyright and had sold the rights to UniPress, a privately held software company, Stallman received the assurances of a fellow developer who had participated in early Gosmacs development. According to the developer, Gosling, while a Ph.D. student at Carnegie Mellon, had given him permission by email to distribute his own version of Gosmacs in exchange for his contribution to the code.
|
||||
|
||||
At first Stallman thought he would change only the user-level commands, to implement full compatibility with the original PDP-10 Emacs. However, when he found how weak Mocklisp was in comparison with real Lisp, he felt compelled to replace it with a true Lisp system. This made it natural to rewrite most of the higher-level code of Gosmacs in a completely different way, taking advantage of the greater power and flexible data structures of Lisp. By mid-1985, in GNU Emacs as released on the Internet, only a few files still had code remaining from Gosmacs.
|
||||
|
||||
Then UniPress caught wind of Stallman's project, and denied that the other developer had received permission to distribute his own version of Gosmacs. He could not find a copy of the old email to defend his claim. Stallman eliminated this problem by writing replacements for the few modules that remained from Gosmacs.
|
||||
|
||||
Nevertheless, the notion of developers selling off software rights -- indeed, the very notion of developers having such powers to sell in the first place -- rankled Stallman. In a 1986 speech at the Swedish Royal Technical Institute, Stallman cited the UniPress incident as yet another example of the dangers associated with proprietary software.
|
||||
|
||||
``Sometimes I think that perhaps one of the best things I could do with my life is find a gigantic pile of proprietary software that was a trade secret, and start handing out copies on a street corner so it wouldn't be a trade secret any more,'' said Stallman. ``Perhaps that would be a much more efficient way for me to give people new free software than actually writing it myself; but everyone is too cowardly to even take it.''\endnote{See Richard Stallman (1986).}
|
||||
|
||||
Despite the stress it generated, the dispute over Gosling's code would assist both Stallman and the free software movement in the long term. It would force Stallman to address the weaknesses of the Emacs Commune and the informal trust system that had allowed problematic offshoots to emerge. It would also force Stallman to sharpen the free software movement's political objectives. Following the release of GNU Emacs in 1985, Stallman issued \textit{The GNU Manifesto}, an expansion of the original announcement posted in September, 1983. Stallman included within the document a lengthy section devoted to the many arguments used by commercial and academic programmers to justify the proliferation of proprietary software programs. One argument, ``Don't programmers deserve a reward for their creativity,'' earned a response encapsulating Stallman's anger over the recent Gosling Emacs episode:
|
||||
|
||||
``If anything deserves a reward, it is social contribution,'' Stallman wrote. ``Creativity can be a social contribution, but only in so far [\textit{sic}] as society is free to use the results. If programmers deserve to be rewarded for creating innovative programs, by the same token they deserve to be punished if they restrict the use of these programs.''\endnote{See Richard Stallman, \textit{The GNU Manifesto} (1985), \url{http://www.gnu.org/gnu/manifesto.html}.}
|
||||
|
||||
With the release of GNU Emacs, the GNU Project finally had code to show. It also had the burdens of any software-based enterprise. As more and more Unix developers began playing with the software, money, gifts, and requests for tapes began to pour in. To address the business side of the GNU Project, Stallman drafted a few of his colleagues and formed the Free Software Foundation (FSF), a nonprofit organization dedicated to speeding the GNU Project towards its goal. With Stallman as president and various friends and hacker allies as board members, the FSF helped provide a corporate face for the GNU Project.
|
||||
|
||||
Robert Chassell, a programmer then working at Lisp Machines, Inc., became one of five charter board members at the Free Software Foundation following a dinner conversation with Stallman. Chassell also served as the organization's treasurer, a role that started small but quickly grew.
|
||||
|
||||
``I think in '85 our total expenses and revenue were something in the order of \$23,000, give or take,'' Chassell recalls. ``Richard had his office, and we borrowed space. I put all the stuff, especially the tapes, under my desk. It wasn't until sometime later LMI loaned us some space where we could store tapes and things of that sort.''
|
||||
|
||||
In addition to providing a face, the Free Software Foundation provided a center of gravity for other disenchanted programmers. The Unix market that had seemed so collegial even at the time of Stallman's initial GNU announcement was becoming increasingly competitive. In an attempt to tighten their hold on customers, companies were starting to deny users access to Unix source code, a trend that only speeded the number of inquiries into ongoing GNU software projects. The Unix wizards who once regarded Stallman as a noisy kook were now beginning to see him as a software prophet or a software Cassandra, according as they felt hope or despair over escaping the problems he identified.
|
||||
|
||||
``A lot of people don't realize, until they've had it happen to them, how frustrating it can be to spend a few years working on a software program only to have it taken away,'' says Chassell, summarizing the feelings and opinions of the correspondents writing in to the FSF during the early years. ``After that happens a couple of times, you start to say to yourself, `Hey, wait a minute.'\hspace{0.01in}''
|
||||
|
||||
For Chassell, the decision to participate in the Free Software Foundation came down to his own personal feelings of loss. Prior to LMI, Chassell had been working for hire, writing an introductory book on Unix for Cadmus, Inc., a Cambridge-area software company. When Cadmus folded, taking the rights to the book down with it, Chassell says he attempted to buy the rights back with no success.
|
||||
|
||||
``As far as I know, that book is still sitting on a shelf somewhere, unusable, uncopyable, just taken out of the system,'' Chassell says. ``It was quite a good introduction if I may say so myself. It would have taken maybe three or four months to convert [the book] into a perfectly usable introduction to GNU/Linux today. The whole experience, aside from what I have in my memory, was lost.''
|
||||
|
||||
Forced to watch his work sink into the mire while his erstwhile employer struggled through bankruptcy, Chassell says he felt a hint of the anger that drove Stallman to fits of apoplexy. ``The main clarity, for me, was the sense that if you want to have a decent life, you don't want to have bits of it closed off,'' Chassell says. ``This whole idea of having the freedom to go in and to fix something and modify it, whatever it may be, it really makes a difference. It makes one think happily that after you've lived a few years that what you've done is worthwhile. Because otherwise it just gets taken away and thrown out or abandoned or, at the very least, you no longer have any relation to it. It's like losing a bit of your life.''
|
||||
|
||||
\bigskip
|
||||
|
||||
\theendnotes
|
||||
\setcounter{endnote}{0}
|
161
chap08.tex
Normal file
161
chap08.tex
Normal file
@ -0,0 +1,161 @@
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2002, 2010 Sam Williams
|
||||
%% Copyright (c) 2010 Richard M. Stallman
|
||||
%% Permission is granted to copy, distribute and/or modify this
|
||||
%% document under the terms of the GNU Free Documentation License,
|
||||
%% Version 1.3 or any later version published by the Free Software
|
||||
%% Foundation; with no Invariant Sections, no Front-Cover Texts, and
|
||||
%% no Back-Cover Texts. A copy of the license is included in the
|
||||
%% file called ``gfdl.tex''.
|
||||
|
||||
\chapter{St. Ignucius}
|
||||
|
||||
The Maui High Performance Computing Center is located in a single-story building in the dusty red hills just above the town of Kihei. Framed by million-dollar views and the multimillion dollar real estate of the Silversword Golf Course, the center seems like the ultimate scientific boondoggle. Far from the boxy, sterile confines of Tech Square or even the sprawling research metropolises of Argonne, Illinois and Los Alamos, New Mexico, the MHPCC seems like the kind of place where scientists spend more time on their tans than their post-doctoral research projects.
|
||||
|
||||
The image is only half true. Although researchers at the MHPCC do take advantage of the local recreational opportunities, they also take their work seriously. According to \url{Top500.org}, a web site that tracks the most powerful supercomputers in the world, the IBM SP Power3 supercomputer housed within the MHPCC clocks in at 837 billion floating-point operations per second, making it one of 25 most powerful computers in the world. Co-owned and operated by the University of Hawaii and the U.S. Air Force, the machine divides its computer cycles between the number crunching tasks associated with military logistics and high-temperature physics research.
|
||||
|
||||
Simply put, the MHPCC is a unique place, a place where the brainy culture of science and engineering and the laid-back culture of the Hawaiian islands coexist in peaceful equilibrium. A slogan on the lab's 2000 web site sums it up: ``Computing in paradise.''
|
||||
|
||||
It's not exactly the kind of place you'd expect to find Richard Stallman, a man who, when taking in the beautiful view of the nearby Maui Channel through the picture windows of a staffer's office, mutters a terse critique: ``Too much sun.'' Still, as an emissary from one computing paradise to another, Stallman has a message to deliver, even if it means subjecting his hacker eyes to painful solar glare.
|
||||
|
||||
The conference room is already full by the time I arrive to catch Stallman's speech. The gender breakdown is a little better than at the New York speech, 85\% male, 15\% female, but not by much. About half of the audience members wear khaki pants and logo-encrusted golf shirts. The other half seems to have gone native. Dressed in the gaudy flower-print shirts so popular in this corner of the world, their faces are a deep shade of ochre. The only residual indication of geek status are the gadgets: Nokia cell phones, Palm Pilots, and Sony VAIO laptops.
|
||||
|
||||
Needless to say, Stallman, who stands in front of the room dressed in plain blue T-shirt, brown polyester slacks, and white socks, sticks out like a sore thumb. The fluorescent lights of the conference room help bring out the unhealthy color of his sun-starved skin.\endnote{RMS: The idea that skin can be ``sun-starved'' or that paleness is ``unhealthy'' is dangerous misinformation; staying out of the sun can't hurt you as long as you have enough Vitamin D. What damages the skin, and can even kill you, is excessive exposure to sunlight.} His beard and hair are enough to trigger beads of sweat on even the coolest Hawaiian neck. Short of having the words ``mainlander'' tattooed on his forehead, Stallman couldn't look more alien if he tried. [RMS: Is there something bad about looking different from others?]
|
||||
|
||||
As Stallman putters around the front of the room, a few audience members wearing T-shirts with the logo of the Maui FreeBSD Users Group (MFUG) race to set up camera and audio equipment. FreeBSD, a free software offshoot of the Berkeley Software Distribution, the venerable 1970s academic version of Unix, is technically a competitor to the GNU/Linux operating system. Still, in the hacking world, Stallman speeches are documented with a fervor reminiscent of the Grateful Dead and its legendary army of amateur archivists. As the local free software heads, it's up to the MFUG members to make sure fellow programmers in Hamburg, Mumbai, and Novosibirsk don't miss out on the latest pearls of RMS wisdom.
|
||||
|
||||
The analogy to the Grateful Dead is apt. Often, when describing the business opportunities inherent within the free software model, Stallman has held up the Grateful Dead as an example. In refusing to restrict fans' ability to record live concerts, the Grateful Dead became more than a rock group. They became the center of a tribal community dedicated to Grateful Dead music. Over time, that tribal community became so large and so devoted that the band shunned record contracts and supported itself solely through musical tours and live appearances. In 1994, the band's last year as a touring act, the Grateful Dead drew \$52 million in gate receipts alone.\endnote{See ``Grateful Dead Time Capsule: 1985-1995 North American Tour Grosses,'' \url{http://www.dead101.com/1197.htm}.}
|
||||
|
||||
While few software companies have been able to match that success, the tribal aspect of the free software community is one reason many in the latter half of the 1990s started to accept the notion that publishing software source code might be a good thing. Hoping to build their own loyal followings, companies such as IBM, Sun Microsystems, and Hewlett Packard have come to accept the letter, if not the spirit, of the Stallman free software message. Describing the GPL as the information-technology industry's \textit{Magna Carta}, ZDNet software columnist Evan Leibovitch sees the growing affection for all things GNU as more than just a trend. ``This societal shift is letting users take back control of their futures,'' Leibovitch writes. ``Just as the \textit{Magna Carta} gave rights to British subjects, the GPL enforces consumer rights and freedoms on behalf of the users of computer software.''\endnote{See Evan Leibovitch, ``Who's Afraid of Big Bad Wolves,'' \textit{ZDNet Tech Update} (December 15, 2000), \url{http://www.zdnet.com/news/whos-afraid-of-the-big-bad-wolves/298394}.}
|
||||
|
||||
The tribal aspect of the free software community also helps explain why 40-odd programmers, who might otherwise be working on physics projects or surfing the Web for windsurfing buoy reports, have packed into a conference room to hear Stallman speak.
|
||||
|
||||
Unlike the New York speech, Stallman gets no introduction. He also offers no self-introduction. When the FreeBSD people finally get their equipment up and running, Stallman simply steps forward, starts speaking, and steamrolls over every other voice in the room.
|
||||
|
||||
``Most of the time when people consider the question of what rules society should have for using software, the people considering it are from software companies, and they consider the question from a self-serving perspective,'' says Stallman, opening his speech. ``What rules can we impose on everybody else so they have to pay us lots of money? I had the good fortune in the 1970s to be part of a community of programmers who shared software. And because of this I always like to look at the same issue from a different direction to ask: what kind of rules make possible a good society that is good for the people who are in it? And therefore I reach completely different answers.''
|
||||
|
||||
Once again, Stallman quickly segues into the parable of the Xerox laser printer, taking a moment to deliver the same dramatic finger-pointing gestures to the crowd. He also devotes a minute or two to the GNU/Linux name.
|
||||
|
||||
``Some people say to me, `Why make such a fuss about getting credit for this system? After all, the important thing is the job is done, not whether you get recognition for it.' Well, this would be wise advice if it were true. But the job wasn't to build an operating system; the job is to spread freedom to the users of computers. And to do that we have to make it possible to do everything with computers in freedom.''\endnote{For narrative purposes, I have hesitated to go in-depth when describing Stallman's full definition of software ``freedom.'' The GNU Project web site lists four fundamental components:
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{itemize}
|
||||
\item The freedom to run the program as you wish, for any purpose (freedom 0).
|
||||
\item The freedom to study the program's source code, and change it so that the program does what you wish (freedom 1).
|
||||
\item The freedom to redistribute copies of the program so you can help your neighbor (freedom 2).
|
||||
\item The freedom to distribute copies of your modified versions, so that the whole community can benefit from them (freedom 3).
|
||||
\end{itemize}
|
||||
|
||||
For more information, please visit ``The Free Software Definition'' at \url{http://www.gnu.org/philosophy/free-sw.html}.}
|
||||
|
||||
Adds Stallman, ``There's a lot more work to do.''
|
||||
|
||||
For some in the audience, this is old material. For others, it's a little arcane. When a member of the golf-shirt contingent starts dozing off, Stallman stops the speech and asks somebody to wake the person up.
|
||||
|
||||
``Somebody once said my voice was so soothing, he asked if I was some kind of healer,'' says Stallman, drawing a quick laugh from the crowd. ``I guess that probably means I can help you drift gently into a blissful, relaxing sleep. And some of you might need that. I guess I shouldn't object if you do. If you need to sleep, by all means do.''
|
||||
|
||||
The speech ends with a brief discussion of software patents, a growing issue of concern both within the software industry and within the free software community. Like Napster, software patents reflect the awkward nature of applying laws and concepts written for the physical world to the frictionless universe of information technology.
|
||||
|
||||
Copyright law and patent law work differently, and have totally different effects in the software field. The copyright on a program controls the copying and adaptation of that program's code, and it belongs to the program's developer. But copyright does not cover ideas. In other words, a developer is free, under copyright, to implement in his own code features and commands he has seen in existing programs. Those aspects are ideas, not expression, and thus outside the scope of copyright law.
|
||||
|
||||
It is likewise lawful -- though hard work -- to decode how a binary program works, and then implement the same ideas and algorithms in different code. This practice is known as ``reverse engineering.''
|
||||
|
||||
Software patents work differently. According to the U.S. Patent Office, companies and individuals can obtain patents for computing ideas that are innovative (or, at least, unknown to the Patent Office). In theory, this allows the patent-holder to trade off disclosure of the technique for a specific monopoly lasting a minimum of 20 years after the patent filing. In practice, the disclosure is of limited value to the public, since the operation of the program is often self-evident, and could in any case be determined by reverse engineering. Unlike copyright, a patent gives its holder the power to forbid the independent development of software programs which use the patented idea.
|
||||
|
||||
In the software industry, where 20 years can cover the entire life cycle of a marketplace, patents take on a strategic weight. Where companies such as Microsoft and Apple once battled over copyright and the ``look and feel'' of various technologies, today's Internet companies use patents as a way to stake out individual applications and business models, the most notorious example being Amazon.com's 2000 attempt to patent the company's ``one-click'' online shopping process. For most companies, however, software patents have become a defensive tool, with cross-licensing deals balancing one set of corporate patents against another in a tense form of corporate detente. Still, in a few notable cases of computer encryption and graphic imaging algorithms, software vendors have successfully stifled rival developments. For instance, some font-rendering features are missing from free software because of patent threats from Apple.
|
||||
|
||||
For Stallman, the software-patent issue dramatizes the need for eternal hacker vigilance. It also underlines the importance of stressing the political benefits of free software programs over the competitive benefits. Stallman says competitive performance and price, two areas where free software operating systems such as GNU/Linux and FreeBSD already hold a distinct advantage over their proprietary counterparts, are side issues compared to the large issues of user and developer freedom.
|
||||
|
||||
This position is controversial within the community: open source advocates emphasize the utilitarian advantages of free software over the political advantages. Rather than stress the political significance of free software programs, open source advocates have chosen to stress the engineering integrity of the hacker development model. Citing the power of peer review, the open source argument paints programs such as GNU/Linux or FreeBSD as better built, better inspected and, by extension, more trustworthy to the average user.
|
||||
|
||||
That's not to say the term ``open source'' doesn't have its political implications. For open source advocates, the term open source serves two purposes. First, it eliminates the confusion associated with the word ``free,'' a word many businesses interpret as meaning ``zero cost.'' Second, it allows companies to examine the free software phenomenon on a technological, rather than ethical, basis. Eric Raymond, cofounder of the Open Source Initiative and one of the leading hackers to endorse the term, explained his refusal to follow Stallman's political path in a 1999 essay, titled ``Shut Up and Show Them the Code'':
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
RMS's rhetoric is very seductive to the kind of people we are. We hackers are thinkers and idealists who readily resonate with appeals to ``principle'' and ``freedom'' and ``rights.'' Even when we disagree with bits of his program, we want RMS's rhetorical style to work; we think it ought to work; we tend to be puzzled and disbelieving when it fails on the 95\% of people who aren't wired like we are.\endnote{See Eric Raymond, ``Shut Up and Show Them the Code,'' online essay, (June 28, 1999), \url{http://www.catb.org/~esr/writings/shut-up-and-show-them.html}.}
|
||||
\end{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
Included among that 95\%, Raymond writes, are the bulk of business managers, investors, and nonhacker computer users who, through sheer weight of numbers, tend to decide the overall direction of the commercial software marketplace. Without a way to win these people over, Raymond argues, programmers are doomed to pursue their ideology on the periphery of society:
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
When RMS insists that we talk about ``computer users' rights,'' he's issuing a dangerously attractive invitation to us to repeat old failures. It's one we should reject -- not because his principles are wrong, but because that kind of language, applied to software, simply does not persuade anybody but us. In fact, it confuses and repels most people outside our culture.\endnote{\textit{Ibid.}}
|
||||
\end{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman, however, rejects Raymond's premises:
|
||||
|
||||
\begin{quote}
|
||||
Raymond's attempt to explain our failure is misleading because we have not failed. Our goal is large, and we have a long way to go, but we have also come a long way.
|
||||
|
||||
Raymond's pessimistic assertion about the values of non-hackers is an exaggeration. Many non-hackers are more concerned with the political issues we focus on than with the technical advantages that open source emphasizes. This often includes political leaders too, though not in all countries.
|
||||
|
||||
It was the ethical ideals of free software, not ``better software,'' which persuaded the presidents of Ecuador and Brazil to move government agencies to free software. They are not geeks, but they understand freedom.
|
||||
\end{quote}
|
||||
|
||||
But the principal flaw in the open source argument, according to Stallman, is that it leads to weaker conclusions. It convinces many users to run some programs which are free, but does not offer them any reason to migrate entirely to free software. This partially gives them freedom, but does not teach them to recognize it and value it as such, so they remain likely to let it drop and lose it. For instance, what happens when the improvement of free software is blocked by a patent?
|
||||
|
||||
Most open source advocates are equally, if not more, vociferous as Stallman when it comes to opposing software patents. So too are most proprietary software developers, since patents threaten their projects too. However, pointing to software patents' tendency to put areas of software functionality off limits, Stallman contrasts what the free software idea and the open source idea imply about such cases.
|
||||
|
||||
``It's not because we don't have the talent to make better software,'' says Stallman. ``It's because we don't have the right. Somebody has prohibited us from serving the public. So what's going to happen when users encounter these gaps in free software? Well, if they have been persuaded by the open source movement that these freedoms are good because they lead to more-powerful reliable software, they're likely to say, `You didn't deliver what you promised. This software's not more powerful. It's missing this feature. You lied to me.' But if they have come to agree with the free software movement, that the freedom is important in itself, then they will say, `How dare those people stop me from having this feature and my freedom too.' And with that kind of response, we may survive the hits that we're going to take as these patents explode.''
|
||||
|
||||
Watching Stallman deliver his political message in person, it is hard to see anything confusing or repellent. Stallman's appearance may seem off-putting, but his message is logical. When an audience member asks if, in shunning proprietary software, free software proponents lose the ability to keep up with the latest technological advancements, Stallman answers the question in terms of his own personal beliefs. ``I think that freedom is more important than mere technical advance,'' he says. ``I would always choose a less advanced free program rather than a more advanced nonfree program, because I won't give up my freedom for something like that [advance]. My rule is, if I can't share it with you, I won't take it.''
|
||||
|
||||
In the minds of those who assume ethics means religion, such answers reinforce the quasi-religious nature of the Stallman message. However, unlike a Jew keeping kosher or a Mormon refusing to drink alcohol, Stallman is not obeying a commandment, but simply refusing to cede his freedom. His speech explains the practical requisites for doing so: a proprietary program takes away your freedom, so if you want freedom, you need to reject the program.
|
||||
|
||||
Stallman paints his decision to use free software in place of proprietary in the color of a personal belief he hopes others will come to share. As software evangelists go, Stallman avoids forcing those beliefs down listeners' throats. Then again, a listener rarely leaves a Stallman speech not knowing where the true path to software righteousness lies.
|
||||
|
||||
As if to drive home this message, Stallman punctuates his speech with an unusual ritual. Pulling a black robe out of a plastic grocery bag, Stallman puts it on. Then he pulls out a reflective brown computer disk and places it on his head. The crowd lets out a startled laugh.
|
||||